came back to York, where the army separated, and the Scots went home to increase theirs; for I easily foresaw that peace was the furthest thing from their thoughts. The next year the flame broke out again: the king drew his forces down into the north as before, and expresses were sent to all the gentlemen that had commands to be at the place by the 15th of July. As I had accepted of no command in the army, so I had no inclination at all to go; for I foresaw there would be nothing but disgrace attend it. My father, observing such an alteration in my usual forwardness, asked me one day what was the matter that I, who used to be so forward to go into the army, and so eager to run abroad to fight, now showed no inclination to appear when the service of the king and country called me to it. I replied, I had as much zeal as ever for the king's service, and for the country too; but he knew a soldier could not abide to be beaten: and being from thence a little more inquisitive, I told him the observations I had made in the Scotch army, and the people I had conversed with there; and I added, "Sir, assure yourself, if the king offers to fight them, he will be beaten; and I do not love to engage when my judgment tells me beforehand I shall be worsted." And as I had foreseen it came to pass; for the Scots, resolving to proceed, never stood upon the ceremony of aggression as before, but, on the 20th of August, they entered England with their army. However, as my father desired, I went to the king's army, which was then at York, but had not got altogether, the king himself being at London; but upon this news takes post for the army, and advancing a part of his forces, he posted Lord Conway and Sir Jacob Astley, with a brigade of foot and some horse, at Newborn, upon the river Tyne, to keep the Scots from passing that river. The Scots could have passed the Tyne without fighting; but to let us see that they were able to force their passage, they fell upon this body of men, and, notwithstanding all the advantages of the place, drove them from the post, took their baggage and two pieces of cannon, with some prisoners. Sir Jacob Astley made what resistance he could; but the Scots charged with so much fury, aud Sir Jacob being overpowered, he was soon put into confusion. Immediately the Scots made themselves masters of Newcastle, and the next day of Durham, and laid those two counties under intolerable contributions. (Note 13.) Now was the king absolutely ruined; for among nis own people the discontents before were so plain, that, had the clergy had any forecast, they would never have embroiled him with the Scots till he had fully brought matters to an understanding at home: but the case was thus: The king, by the good management of Bishop Juxon, his treasurer, had a million of ready money in his treasury, and, upon that account having no need of a parliament, had not called one in twelve years, and perhaps had never called another, if he had not, by this unhappy circumstance, been reduced to an extremity; for now the above money was spent in two foolish expe ditions, and his army appeared in a condition not fit to engage the Scots. The detachment under Sir Jacob Astley, which were of the flower of his men, had been routed at Newborn, and the enemy had possession of two entire counties. Archbishop Laud was universally blamed for prompting the king to provoke the Scots, a headstrong nation, and zealous for their own way of worship; and Laud himself found too late the consequences of it, both to the whole cause and to himself; for the Scots, whose native temper is not easy to forget an injury, pursued him, by their party in England, and never gave it over till they laid his head on the block. The ruined country now clamoured in his majesty's ears with daily petitions, and the gentry of other neighbouring counties cried out for peace and a parliament. The king, embarrassed with these difficulties, and quite empty of money, calls a great council of the nobility at York, and demands their advice, which any one could have told him before would be to call a parliament. I cannot, without regret, look back upon the misfortune of the king, who, as he was one of the best princes in his personal conduct, had yet some of the greatest unhappinesses, as a king, that ever prince had, and the whole course of his life demonstrated it. 1. Impolitic honesty. His enemies called it obstinacy: but as I was perfectly acquainted with his temper, I cannot but think it was his judgment, when he thought he was in the right, to adhere to it as a duty, though against his interest. 2. Too much compliance when he was complying. No man but himself would have denied what at times he denied, and have granted what at other times he granted; and this uncertainty of counsel proceeded from two causes:— 1. The heat of the clergy, to whom he was exceedingly devoted, and for whom indeed he ruined himself. 2. The wisdom of his nobility. Thus, when the counsel of his bishops prevailed, all was fire and fury; the Scots were rebels, and must be subdued; and the parliament's demands were to be rejected as exorbitant. But whenever the king's judgment was led by the grave and steady advice of his nobility and councillors, he was always inclined by them to temperate his measures between the two extremes: and had he gone on in such a temper, he had never met with the misfortunes which afterwards attended him, nor had so many thousands of his friends lost their lives and fortunes in his service. I am sure we that knew what it was to fight for him, and that loved him better than any of the clergy could pretend to, have had many a consultation how to bring over our master from so espousing their interest as to ruin himself for it; but it was in vain. I took this interval, when I sat still and only looked on, to make these remarks, because I remember the best friends the king had were at this time of that opinion. That it was an unaccountable piece of indiscretion to commence a quarrel with the Scots, a poor and obstinate people, for a ceremony and a book of churce dis cipline, at a time when the king stood but upon, indifferent terms with his people at home. The consequence was, it put arms into the hands of his subjects to rebel against him: it embroiled him with his parliament in England, to whom he was fain to stoop in a fatal and unusual manner to get money, all his own being spent, and so to buy off the Scots, whom he could not beat. I must give one instance of the unaccountable politics of his ministers. If they over-ruled this unhappy king to it, with design to exhaust and impoverish him, they were the worst of traitors, if not the grossest of fools. ply the Scots in their march home, I know there were several meetings of gentlemen with a design to advance considerable sums to the king to set him free, and in order to reinstate his majesty as || before. Not that we ever advised the king to rule without a parliament, but we were very desirous of putting him out of the necessity of calling them, at least just then. But the eighth article of the Scots' demands expressly required that an English parliament might be called to remove all obstructions of commerce, and to settle peace, religion, and liberty; and in another article they tell the king, the 24th of September, being the time his majesty appointed for the meeting of the peers, will make it too long ere the parliament meet They prompted the king to equip a fleet against the Scots, and to put on board five thousand landmen. Had this been all, the design had been good, that while the king had faced the army And in another, that a parliament was the only upon the borders, these five thousand landing in way of settling peace, and bringing them to his the frith of Edinburgh might have put that whole || majesty's obedience. nation into confusion. But, in order to this, they advise the king to lay out his money in fitting out the biggest ships he had; and the Royal Sovereign, the largest ship the world had then ever seen, which cost him no less than one hundred thousand pounds, was now built, and fitted out for this voyage. This was the most incongruous and ridiculous advice that could be given, and made us all believe we were betrayed, though we knew not by whom. To fit out ships of one hundred guns to invade Scotland, which had not one man of war in the world, nor any open confederacy with any prince or state that had any fleet for a defence, was a most ridiculous thing. A hundred sail of Newcastle colliers to carry the men, with their stores and provisions, and ten frigates of forty guns each, had been as good a fleet as reason and the nature of things could have made tolerable. Thus things were carried on, until the king, reduced by the mismanagement of his councils, and beaten by the Scots, was driven to the necessity of calling a parliament in England. It is not my design to enter into the feuds and wrangles of this parliament. I have noted my observations of their mistakes who brought the king to this unhappy necessity of calling them. His majesty had tried parliaments upon several occasions before, but never found himself so much embroiled with them but he could send them home and there was an end of it; but as he could not avoid calling these, so they took care to put him out of a condition to dismiss them. The Scotch army was now quartered upon the English. The counties, the gentry, and the assembly of lords at York, petitioned for a parliament. The Scots presented their demands to the king, in which it was observed that matters were concerted between them and a party in England; and I confess, when I saw that, I began to think the king in an ill case. For as the Scots pretended grievances, we thought, the king redressing those grievances, they could ask no more; and therefore all men advised the king to grant their full demands. And the king, not having money sufficient to sup When we saw this in the army, it was time to look about. Everybody indeed perceived that the Scotch army would call an English parliament; and whatever aversion the king had to it, all saw he would be obliged to comply with it; and now they began to see their error who advised the king to this Scotch war. While these things were transacting, the assem bly of the peers met at York, and, by their advice, a treaty was begun with the Scots. I had the honour to be sent with the first message, which was in writing. I brought it, attended with a trumpet and a guard of five hundred horse, to the Scotch quarters. I was stopped at Darlington, and my errand being known, General Lesly sent a Scotch | major and fifty horse to receive me, but would let neither my trumpet nor guard set foot within their quarters. In this manner I was conducted to an audience in the chapter-house at Durham, where a committee of Scotch lords, who attended the army, received me very courteously, and gave me their answer in writing also. It was in this answer that they showed, at least to me, their design of embroiling the king with his English subjects; they discoursed very freely with me, and did not order me to withdraw when they debated their private opinions; they drew up several answers, but did not like them; at last they offered me one, which I did not receive-I thought it was too insolent to be borne with: as near as I can remember it ran thus: other place; but to send word they would not treat at York, I could deliver no such message, for, when fully considered, it would signify they would not treat at all. I used a great many reasons and arguments with them on this head; and at last, with some difficulty, obtained of them to give the reason, which was, the Earl of Strafford's having the chief command at York, whom they denounced their mortal enemy, he having declared them rebels in Ireland. With this answer I returned. I could make no observation in the short time I was with them, for I staid but one night, and was guarded as a close prisoner all the while. I saw several of their officers whom I knew, but they durst not speak to me, and if they had offered, my guard would not have permitted them. In this manner I was conducted out of their quarters to my own party again; and having delivered my message to the king, and told his majesty the circumstances, I saw the king received the account of the haughty behaviour of the Scots with some regret; however, it was his majesty's time now to bear, and therefore the Scots were complied with, and the treaty appointed at Rippon, where, after much debate, several preliminary articles were agreed on, as a cessation of arms, quarters and bounds to the armies, subsistence to the Scotch army, and the residue of the demands was referred to a treaty at London. We were all amazed at the treaty, and I remember we would much rather have been suffered to fight, for, though we had been worsted at first, the power and strength of the king's interest, which was not yet tried, must, in the end, have been too strong for the Scots, whereas we now saw the king was for complying with any thing, and all his friends would be ruined. I confess I had nothing to fear, and so was not much concerned; but our predictions soon came to pass, for no sooner was this parliament called, but abundance of those who had embroiled their king with his people of both kingdoms, like the disciples when their Master was betrayed to the Jews, forsook him and fled. And now parliament tyranny began to succeed church tyranny, and we soldiers were glad to see it at first. The bishops trembled; the judges went to gaol; the officers of the customs were laid hold on; and the parliament began to lay their fingers on the great ones, particularly Archbishop Laud and the Earl of Strafford. We had no great concern for the first, but the last was a man of so much conduct and gallantry, and so beloved by the soldiers and principal gentry of England, that everybody was touched with his misfortune. The parliament now grew mad in their turn, and as the prosperity of any party is the time to show their discretion, the parliament showed they knew as little where to stop as other people. The king was not in a condition to deny anything, and, shortly after, whatever was demanded was complied with. They attainted the Earl of Strafford, and, metaphorically, made the king cut off his right hand to save his left, and yet not save it neither; they obtained another bill, to empower them to sit during their own pleasure, and after them triennial parliaments to meet, whether the king called them or not; and granting this completed his majesty's ruin. Had the house only regulated the abuses of the court, punished evil counsellors, and restored parliaments to their original and just powers, all had been well, and the king, though he had been more than mortified, had yet reaped the benefit of future peace; for now the Scots were sent home, after having eaten up two counties, and received a prodigious sum of money to boot; and the king, though too late, goes in person to Edinburgh, and grants them all they could desire, and more than they asked; but in England the desires were unbounded, and drove at all extremes. They threw out the bishops from sitting in the house, made a protestation equivalent to the Scotch covenant, and, this done, printed their remonstrance. This so provoked the king, that he resolves upon seizing some of the members, and in an ill hour enters the House of Commons in person to take them. Thus one imprudent thing on one hand produced another on the other hand, until the king was obliged to leave them to themselves for fear of receiving treatment unworthy of himself. These proceedings began to alarm the gentry and nobility of England, for however willing we were to have evil counsellors removed, and the government return to a settled and legal course, according to the happy constitution of this nation, and might have been forward enough to have owned the king had been misled and imposed upon to do things which he had rather had not been done, yet it did not follow that all the powers and prerogatives of the crown should devolve upon the parliament, and the king, in a manner, be deposed, or else sacrificed to the fury of the rabble. The heats of the house running them thus to all extremes, and at last to take from the king the power of the militia, which indeed was all that was left to make him anything of a king, put him upon opposing force with force; and thus the flame of civil war began. However backward I was in engaging in the second year's expedition against the Scots, I was as forward now, for I waited on the king at York, where a gallant company of gentlemen as ever were seen in England engaged themselves to enter into his service; and here some of us formed ourselves into troops for the guard of his person. The king having been waited upon by the gentry of Yorkshire, and having told them his resolution of erecting his royal standard, and received from them hearty assurances of support, dismisses them, and marches to Hull, where lay the train of artillery, and all the arms and ammunition belonging to the northern army which had been disbanded. But here the parliament had been beforehand with his majesty, so that when he came to Hull he found the gates shut, and Sir John Hotham, the governor, upon the walls, though with a great deal of seeming humility and protestations of loyalty to his person, yet with a positive denial to admit any of the king's attendants into the town. : If his majesty pleased to enter the town in person, with any reasonable number of his household, he would submit, but would not be prevailed on to receive the king, as he would be received, with his forces, though those forces were then but very few. The king was exceedingly provoked at this repulse, and indeed it was a great surprise to us all, for certainly never prince began a war against the whole strength of his kingdom under the circumstances that he was in. He had not a garrison, or a company of soldiers, in his pay; not a stand of arms, or a barrel of powder, a musket, cannon, or mortar; not a ship of all the fleet, or money in his treasury to procure them; whereas the parliament had all his navy, ordnance, stores, magazines, arms, ammunition, and revenue in their keeping. And this I take to be another defect of the king's counsel, and a sad instance of the destruction of his affairs, that when he saw how all things were going to wreck, as it was impossible but he should see it, and it is plain he did see it, that he should not, long enough before it came to extremities, secure the navy, magazines, and stores of war in the hands of his trusty servants, that would have been sure to have preserved them for his use at a time when he wanted them. It cannot be supposed but the gentry of England, who generally preserved their loyalty for their royal master, and at last heartily showed it, were exceedingly discouraged at first, when they saw the parliament had all the means of making war in their own hands, and the king was naked and destitute both of arms and ammunition, and money to procure them. Not but that the king, by extraordinary appli cation, recovered the disorder the want of these things had thrown him into, and supplied himself with all things needful. But my observation was this-had his majesty had the magazines, navy, and forts, in his own hand, the gentry, who wanted but the prospect of something to encourage them, had come in at first, and the parliament, being unprovided, would have been presently reduced to reason. one to the queen, then at Windsor; one to the Duke of Newcastle, then Earl of Newcastle, intc the north; one into Scotland, and one into France where the queen soon after arrived to raise money and buy arms, and to get what assistance she could among her own friends. Nor was her majesty idle, for she sent over several ships laden with arms and ammunition with a fine train of artillery, and a great many very good officers; and though one of the first fell into the hands of the parliament, with three hundred barrels of powder and some arms, and one hundred and fifty gentlemen, yet most of them found means to get to us, and most of the ships the queen freighted arrived; and at last her majesty came herself, and brought an extraordinary supply of men, money, and arms, with which she joined the king's forces, under the Earl of Newcastle, in the north. Finding his majesty active to muster his friends together, I asked him if he thought it might not be for his majesty's service to let me go among my friends and his loyal subjects about Shrews. bury? "Yes," says the king, smiling, "I intend you shall, and I design to go with you myself." I did not understand what the king meant then, and did not think it good manners to inquire; but the next day I found all things disposed for a march, and the king on horseback by eight in the morning; when, calling me to him, he told me I should go before, and let my father and all my friends know he would be at Shrewsbury the Saturday following. I left my equipages, and, taking post with only one servant, was at my father's the next morning by break of day. My father was not surprised at the news of the king's coming; for it seems he, together with the loyal gentry of those parts, had sent particularly to give the king an invita tion to move that way, which I was not made privy to, with an account of what encouragement they had there in the endeavours made for his interest. In short, the whole country was entirely for the king; and such was the universal joy the But this was it that balked the gentry of York-people showed when the news of his majesty's shire, who went home again, giving the king good coming down was positively known, that all manpromises, but never appeared for him till, by ner of business was laid aside, and the whole raising a good army in Shropshire and Wales, he body of the people seemed to be resolved upon marched towards London, and they saw there was a prospect of being supported. In this condition the king erected his standard at Nottingham, August 22nd, 1642; and I con. fess I had very melancholy apprehensions of the king's affairs, for the appearance of the royal standard was but small. The affront the king had met with at Hull had dispirited the northern gentry, and the king's affairs looked with a very dismal aspect. We had expresses from London of the prodigious success of the parliament's levies, how their men came in faster than they could entertain them, and that arms were delivered out to whole companies listed together; and all this while the king had not got together a thousand foot, and had no arms for them neither. When the king saw this, he immediately dispatched five several messengers, whereof one went to the Marquis of Worcester into Wales; the war. As this gave a new face to the king's affairs, so I must own it filled me with joy; for I was astonished before, when I considered what the king and his friends were like to be exposed to. The news of the proceedings of the parliament, and their powerful preparations, were now no more terrible. The king came at the time appointed, and having lain at my father's house one night, entered Shrewsbury in the morning. The acclamations of the people, the concourse of the nobility and gentry about his person, and the crowds which now came every day in to his standard, were incredible. The loyalty of the English gentry was not only worthy notice, but their power also was extraor dinarily visible; for the king, in about six weeks, which was the most of his stay at Shrewsbury, was supplied with money, arms, ammunition, and OF A CAVALIER. a train of artillery, and had enlisted an army of upwards of twenty thousand men. His majesty, seeing the general alacrity of his people, immediately issued out commissions, and formed regiments of horse and foot; and having some experienced officers about him, together with about sixteen who came from France with a ship loaded with arms and some field-pieces, which came very seasonably into the Severn, the men were exercised, regularly disciplined and quartered, and now we began to look like soldiers. My father had raised a regiment of horse at his own charge, and the king gave out arms to them from the supplies which I mentioned came from abroad. Another party of horse, all brave stout fellows, and well mounted, came in from Lancashire, and the Earl of Derby at the head of them. The Welshmen came in by droves; and so great was the concourse of people, that the king began to think of marching, and gave the command, as well as the trust of regulating the army, to the brave Earl of Lindsey, as general of the foot. (Note 14.) The parliament-general being the Earl of Essex, two braver men, or two better officers, were not in the kingdom: they had both been old soldiers, and had served together as volunteers, in the Low-country wars, under Prince Maurice. They had been comrades and companions abroad, and now came to face one another as enemies in the field. (Note 15.) Such was the expedition used by the king and his friends in the levies of this first army, that, notwithstanding the wonderful expedition the parliament made, the king was in the field before them; and now the gentry in other parts of the nation bestirred themselves, and seized upon and garrisoned several considerable places for the king. In the north, the Earl of Newcastle not only These were called, or some of them at least, Abingdon, Wallingford, Basingstoke, and Reading were all garrisoned and fortified as outworks to defend this as the centre; and thus all England became the theatre of blood, and war was spread into every corner of the country, though as yet there was not a stroke struck. I had no command in this army: my father led his own regiment, and, old as he was, would not As for me, leave his royal master; and my elder brother staid at home to support the family. I rode a volunteer in the royal troop of guards, which may very well deserve that title, being composed of young gentlemen, sons of the nobility and prime gentry of the nation, and I think not a person of so mean a birth or fortune as myself. We reckoned in this troop two-and-thirty lords, or who came afterwards to be such, and eight-and-thirty younger sons of the nobility, five French noblemen, and the rest gentlemen of very good families and estates. And that I may give the due to their personal valour, many of this troop lived to have regiments and troops under their command in the service of the king; many of them lost their lives for him, and most of them their estates: nor did they behave unworthy of themselves in their first showing their faces to the enemy, as shall be mentioned in its place. While the king remained at Shrewsbury his of the kingdom. Goring had secured Portsloyal friends bestirred themselves in several parts mouth; but being young in matters of war, and not in time relieved, though the Marquis of Hertford was marching to relieve him, yet he was for Holland, from whence he returned with relief obliged to quit the place, and shipped himself for the king, and afterwards did very good service upon all occasions, and very effectually cleared himself of the scandal the hasty surrender of Portsmouth had brought upon him. The chief power of the king's forces lay in three places-in Cornwall, in Yorkshire, and at Shrewsbury. In Cornwall, Sir Ralph Hopton, afterwards Lord Hopton, Sir Bevil Granvil, and Sir Nicholas Slamming, secured all the country, and afterwards spread themselves over Devonshire and Somersetshire, took Exeter from the parliament, fortified Bridgewater and Barnstaple, and beat Sir William Waller at the battle of Roundway Down, as I shall mention more particularly when I come to recite the part of my own travels that way. In the north, the Marquis of Newcastle secured all the country, garrisoned York, Scarborough, Carlisle, Newcastle, Pontefract, Leeds, and all the considerable places, and took the field with a very good army, though afterwards he proved more unsuccessful than the rest, having the whole power of a kingdom at his back, the Scots coming in with an army to the assistance of the parliament, which indeed was the general turn of the scale of the war; for, had it not been for this Scotch army, the king had most certainly reduced the Parliament, at least to good terms of peace, in two years' time. The king's force at Shrewsbury I have related already: the alacrity of the gentry filled him with hopes, and all his army with vigour, and the 9th of October, 1642, his majesty gave orders to |