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orders among them as well as among us, only with this difference, that they, for reasons I mentioned before, were under circumstances to prevent it better than the king.

soner; but the king, whose foot were not above one or two, drew his men under the cannon of Dennington Castle, and, having secured his artillery and baggage, made a retreat with his foot in very good order, having not lost in all the fight But I must do the king's memory that justice, above three hundred men, and the parliament as that he used all possible methods, by punishmany. We lost five pieces of cannon and took ment of soldiers, charging, and sometimes two, having repulsed the Earl of Manchester's entreating, the gentlemen not to suffer such men on the north side of the town, with consi-disorders and such violences in their men; but derable loss. it was to no purpose for his majesty to attempt it, while his officers, generals, and great men winked at it; for the licentiousness of the soldier is supposed to be approved by the officer when it is not corrected.

The king, having lodged his train of artillery and baggage in Dennington Castle, marched the next day for Oxford; there we joined him with three thousand horse and two thot and foot. Encouraged with this reinforcement, the king appeared upon the hills on the north-west of Newbury, and faced the parliament army. The parliament having too many generals as well as soldiers, the former could not agree whether they should fight or not.

This was no great token of the victory they boasted of; for they were now twice our number in the whole, and their foot three for one. The king stood in battalia all day, and finding the parliament forces had no mind to engage him, he drew away his cannon and baggage out of Dennington Castle, in view of their whole army, and marched to Oxford.

This was such a false step of the parliament generals, that the people cried shame of them, and the parliament appointed a committee to inquire into it.

Cromwell accused Manchester, and Manchester accused Waller, and so they laid the fault upon each other.

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The rudeness of the parliament soldiers began from the division among their officers; for in many places the soldiers grew so out of all discipline, and so insufferably rude, that they in particular refused to march when Sir William Waller went to Weymouth. This had turned to good account for us had these cursed Scots been out of our way; but they were the staff of the party; and now they were daily solicited to march southward, which was a very great affliction to the king and all his friends.

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One booty the king got at this time which was very seasonable assistance to his affairs.

A great merchant ship, richly laden at London, and bound to the East Indies, was, by the seamen, brought into Bristol, and delivered up to the king.

Some merchants in Bristol offered the king forty thousand pounds for her, which his majesty ordered should be accepted, reserving only thirty great guns for his own use.

Waller would have been glad to have charged The treaty at Uxbridge now was begun, and it upon Essex; but, as it happened, he was not in we, that had been well beaten in the war, heartily the army, having been taken ill some days be-wished the king would come to a peace; but we fore; but, as it generally is when a mistake is made, the actors fall out among themselves, so it was here.

No doubt it was as false a step as that at Cornwall, to let the king draw away his baggage and cannon, in the face of three armies, and never fire a shot at them.

The king had not above eight thousand foot in his army, and they above twenty-five thousand. It is true, the king had eight thousand horse, a fine body, and much superior to theirs; but the foot might, with the greatest ease in the world, have prevented the removing of the cannon, and in three days have taken the castle, with all that was in it.

Those differences produced their self-denying ordinance, and the putting by most of their old generals, as Essex, Waller, Manchester, &c. ; and Sir Thomas Fairfax, a terrible man in the field, though the mildest of men out of it, was voted to have the command of all their forces, and Lambert to take the command of Sir Thomas Fairfax's troops in the north, old Skipton being major-general.

This winter was spent on the enemy's side in modelling, as they called it, their army; and, on our side in recruiting ours, and some petty excursions.

Amongst the many addresses, I observed one from Sussex or Surry, complaining of the rudeness of our soldiers, and particularly of the ravishing of women and the murdering of men; from which I only observed that there were dis

all foresaw the clergy would ruin it all. The commons were for presbytery, and would never agree the bishops should be restored; the king was more willing to comply with anything than this, and we foresaw it would be so; from whence we used to say among ourselves, that the clergy was resolved, if there was no bishop, there should be no king.

This treaty at Uxbridge was a perfect war between the men of the gown; ours was between those of the sword; and I cannot but take notice how the lawyers, statesmen, and the clergy of every side bestirred themselves rather to hinder than promote the peace.

There had been a treaty at Oxford some time before, where the parliament, insisting that the king should pass a bill to abolish episcopacy, quit the militia, abandon several of his faithful servants to be exempted from pardon, and making several other most extravagant demands; nothing was done, but the treaty broke off, both parties being rather further exasperated than inclined to hearken to conditions.

However, soon after the success in the west, his majesty, to let them see that the victory had not elated him so as to make him reject the peace, sent a messenger to the parliament to put them in mind of messages of like nature which they had slighted, and to let them know that, notwithstanding he had beaten their forces, he was yet willing to hearken to a reasonable proposal for putting an end to the war.

The parliament pretended the king in his message did not treat with them as a legal parliament, and so made hesitations; but after long debates and delays they agreed to draw up propositions for peace to be sent to the king.

above eight or ten men killed on both sides; for the town was surprised, not stormed.

I had a particular loss in this action; for all the men and horses my father had got together for the recruiting my regiment were here lost and dispersed; and which was the worse, my father, No-happening to be then in the town, was taken prisoner, and carried to Beeston Castle, in Cheshire.

As this message was sent to the houses about August, I think they made it the middle of vember before they brought propositions for a peace; and when they brought them they had no power to enter either upon a treaty, or so much as preliminaries for a treaty, only to deliver the letter and receive an answer.

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I was quartered all this winter at Banbury, in Oxfordshire, and went little abroad; nor had we any action till the latter end of February, when I was ordered to march to Leicester with Sir Marmaduke Langdale, in order, as we thought, to raise a body of men in that county, and Staf

However, such were the circumstances of affairs at this time, that the king was uneasy to see himself thus treated, and take no notice of it. The king returned an answer to the proposi-fordshire, to join the king. tions, and proposed a treaty by commissioners, which the parliament appointed.

We lay at Daventry one night, and continued our march to pass the river above Northampton; Three months more were lost in naming com- that town being possessed by the enemy, we missioners. There was much time spent in this understood a party of Northampton forces were treaty, but little done; the commissioners de- || abroad, and intended to attack us. bated chiefly the article of religion and of the militia; in the latter they were very likely to agree; in the former both sides seemed too positive. The king would by no means abandon episcopacy, nor the parliament presbytery; for both, in their opinion, were of divine appoint

ment.

The commissioners, finding this point hardest to adjust, went from it to that of the militia; but the time spinning out, the king's commissioners demanded longer time for the treaty; the other sent up for instructions, but the house refused to lengthen out the time.

This was thought an insolence upon the king, and gave all good people a detestation of such haughty behaviour; and thus the hopes of peace vanished; both sides prepared for war with as much eagerness as before.

The parliament was now employed in what they called modelling their army; that is to say,|| the independent party began to prevail; and as they outdid all the others in their resolution of carrying on the war to all extremities, so they were both the more vigorous and more politic party in carrying it on.

Indeed the war was after this carried on with greater animosity than ever, and the generals pushed forward with a vigour, that, as it had something in it unusual, told us plainly from this time, whatever they did before, they now pushed at the ruin even of monarchy itself.

All this while also the war went on, and though the parliament had no settled army, yet their regiments and troops were always in action, and the sword was at work in every part of the kingdom.

Among an infinite number of party skirmishes and fights this winter, one happened which nearly concerned me. Colonel Mitton, with about twelve hundred horse and foot, having intelligence from some of the inhabitants of Shrewsbury, on a Sunday morning early broke into the town and took it castle and all,

The loss for the quality, more than the number, was very great to the king's affairs. They took there fifteen pieces of cannon, Prince Maurice's magazine of arms and ammunition, Prince Rupert's baggage, and above fifty persons of quality and officers. There were not

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Accordingly, in the afternoon, our scouts brought us word the enemy were quartered in some villages on the road to Coventry; our commander, thinking it much better to set upon them in their quarters than to wait for them in the field, resolved to attack them early in the morning before they were aware of it.

We refreshed ourselves in the field for that day, and getting into a great wood near the enemy, we stayed there all night, till almost break of day, without being discovered.

In the morning very early we heard the enemy's trumpets sound to horse; this roused us to look abroad; and sending out a scout, he brought us word a party of the enemy was at hand. We were vexed to be so disappointed; but finding their party small enough to be dealt with, Sir Marmaduke ordered me to charge them with three hundred horse and two hondred dragoons, while he at the same time entered the town.

Accordingly I lay still till they came to the very skirt of the wood where I was posted, when I saluted them with a volley from my dragoons out of the wood, and immediately showed myself with my horse on their front, ready to charge them; they appeared not to be surprised, and received our charge with great resolution; and being above four hundred men, they pushed me vigorously in their turn, putting my men into some disorder.

In this extremity I sent to order the dragoons to charge them in the flank, which they did with great bravery, and the other still maintained the fight with desperate resolution. There was no want of courage on either side; but our dragoons had the advantage, and at last routed them, and drove them back to the village.

Here Sir Marmaduke Langdale had his hands full too; for my firing had alarmed the places adjacent, that when he came into the town, he found them all in arms, and, contrary to his expectation, two regiments of foot, with about five hundred horse more. As Sir Marmaduke had no foot, only horse and dragoons, this was a surprise to him; but he caused his dragoons to enter the town, and charge the foot, while his horse secured the avenues of the town.

The dragoons bravely attacked the foot, and

Sir Marmaduke falling in with his horse, the fight was obstinate and bloody, when the horse that I had routed came flying into the street of the village, and my men at their heels.

flanks with them, as if we had been marching; which, though it was done without orders, had two very good effects, and which did us extraordinary service.

Immediately I left the pursuit, and fell in First, it secured us from being charged in the with all my force to the assistance of my friends; flank, which Rositer had twice attempted; and, and, after an obstinate resistance, we routed the secondly, it secured our carriages from being whole party. We killed about seven hundred plundered, which had spoiled our expedition. men, took three hundred and fifty, twenty-seven Being thus enclosed, we fought with great seofficers, one hundred arms, all their baggage.curity; and though Rositer made three despeand two hundred horses, and continued our march to Harborough, where we halted to refresh ourselves.

Between Harborough and Leicester, we met with a party of eight hundred dragoons of the Parliament forces. They found themselves too few to attack; and therefore, to avoid us, they got into a small wood; but perceiving themselves discovered, they came boldly out, and placed themselves at the entrance into a lane, lining both sides of the hedges with their shot.

We immediately attacked them, beat them from the hedges, from thence into the wood, and out of the wood again, and forced them at last to a downright runaway on foot among the enclosures, where it was difficult to follow; killed about a hundred of them, and took two hundred and fifty prisoners, with all their horses, and came that night to Leicester. When we came there, and had taken up our quarters, Sir Marmaduke Langdale sent for me to sup with him, and told me that he had a secret commission in his pocket, which his majesty had commanded him not to open until he came to Leicester; that now he had sent for me to open it together, that we might know what it was we were to do, and to consider how to do it.

Then pulling out his sealed orders, we found we were to get what force we could together, and a certain number of carriages with ammunition, which the governor of Leicester was to deliver us, and a certain quantity of provisions, especially corn and salt, and to relieve Newark.

This town had long been besieged; the fortifications, together with its situation, had rendered it the strongest place in England; and as it was the greatest pass in the kingdom, so it was of vast consequence to the king's affairs.

There was in it a garrison of brave old rugged boys, fellows that, like Count Tilly's Germans, had iron faces, and they had defended themselves with extraordinary bravery a great while, but now were exceedingly reduced for the want of food.

Accordingly we received the ammunition and provision, and away we went for Newark. About Melton Mowbray, Colonel Rositer set upon us with above three thousand men; we were about the same number, having two thousand five hundred horse, and eight hundred dragoons. We had some foot, but they were still at Harborough, and were ordered to come after us.

Rositer, like a brave officer, charged us with great fury, and rather outdid us in number, while we defended ourselves with all the eagerness we could, and gave him to understand we were not so soon to be beaten as he expected.

While the fight continued doubtful, especially on our side, our people, who had charge of the carriages and provisions, began to enclose our

rate charges upon us, he could never break us. Our men received him with so much courage, and kept their orders so well, that the enemy, finding it impossible to force us, gave over, and left us to pursue our orders. We did not offer to chase them, but contented enough to have repulsed and beaten them off, and our business being to relieve Newark, we proceeded.

If we are to reckon by the enemy's usual method, we got the victory because we kept the field, and had the pillage of their dead; but otherwise neither side had any great cause to boast.

We lost about 150 men, and near as many hurt; they left 170 on the spot, and carried off some. How many they had wounded we could not tell; we got about seventy or eighty horses, which helped to remount some of our men that had lost theirs in the fight.

We had, however, this disadvantage, that we were to march on immediately after this service; the enemy only to retire to their quarters, about a mile. This was an injury to our wounded men, who we were afterwards obliged to leave at Belvoir Castle, and from thence we advanced to Newark.

Our business at Newark was to relieve the place, and this we resolved to do, whatever it cost, though, at the same time, we resolved not to fight unless we were forced to it.

The town was rather blocked up than besieged; the garrison were strong, but ill provided: we had sent them word of our coming, and our orders to relieve them, and they proposed some measures for our doing it.

The chief strength of the enemy lay on the other side of the river; but they, having also some notice of our design, had sent over forces to strengthen their leaguer on this side. The garrison had often surprised them by sallies, and indeed had chiefly subsisted for some time by what they brought in on this manner.

Sir Marmaduke Langdale, who was our commander for the expedition, was for a general attempt to raise the siege; but I had persuaded him from it; first, because, if we should be beaten, as might be probable, we then lost the

town.

Sir Marmaduke briskly replied, "A soldier ought never to suppose he shall be beaten."

"But, sir," said I, "you will get more ho. nour by relieving the town than by beating them: one will be a credit to your conduct, as the other will be to your courage; and, if you think you can beat them, you may do it afterwards; and then if you are mistaken the town is nevertheless secured, and half your victory gained."

He was prevailed with to adhere to this advice, and accordingly we appeared before the

two parties of horse on each point by themselves, and the dragoons in the centre, on foot. Their foot charged us home, and stood with

town about two hours before night. The horse drew up before the enemy's works; the enemy drew up within their works, and, seeing no foot, expected our dragoons would dismount and at-push of pike a great while; but their horse

tack them.

They were in the right to let us attack them, because of the advantage of their batteries and works, if that had been our design; but, as we intended only to amuse them, this caution of theirs effected our purpose; for, while we thus faced them with our horse, two regiments of foot which came up to us but the night before, and was all the infantry we had, with the waggons of provisions, and five hundred dragoons, taking a compass clean round the town, posted themselves on the lower side of the town by the river.

charging our horse and musketeers, and being closed on the flanks with those two extended troops on our wings, they were presently disordered, and fled out of the field.

The foot, thus deserted, were charged on every side and broken. They retreated, still fighting and in good order, for awhile; but the garrison sallying upon them at the same time, and being followed close by our horse, they were scattered, entirely routed, and most of them killed.

Lord Fairfax was come with his horse as far as Ferrybridge, but the fight was over; and all Upon a signal the garrison agreed on before, he could do was to rally those that fled, and they sallied out at this very juncture with all save some of their carriages, which else had the men they could spare, and dividing them- || fallen into our hands. selves in two parties, while one party moved to the left to meet our relief, the other party fell on upon part of that body which faced us.

We kept in motion, and upon this signal advanced to their works, and our dragoons fired upon them and the horse wheeling and counter-marching often, kept them continually expecting to be attacked.

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By this means the enemy were kept employed, and our foot, with the waggons, appearing on that quarter where they were least expected, easily defeated the advanced guards and forced that post; where, entering the leaguer, the other part of the garrison who had sallied that way came up to them, received the waggons, and the dragoons entered with them into the

town.

That party which we faced on the other side of the works, knew nothing of what was done till all was over; the garrison retreated in good order, and we drew off, having finished what we came for with little fighting.

Thus we plentifully stored the town with all things wanting, and with an addition of 500 dragoons to their garrison; after which we marched away.

Our next orders were to relieve Pontefract Castle, another garrison of the king's which had been besieged ever since the fight at Marston Moor, by Lord Fairfax, Sir Thomas Fairfax, and other generals in their turn.

By the way we were joined with 800 horse out of Derbyshire, and some foot, so many as made us in all about 4,500 men.

Colonel Forbes, a Scotchman, commanded at the siege, in the absence of Lord Fairfax; the colonel had sent to my lord for more troops, and his lordship was gathering his forces to come up to him; but he was pleased to come too late.

We came up with the enemy's leaguer about break of day, and having been discovered by their scouts, they, with more courage than discretion, drew out to meet us.

We saw no reason to avoid them, being stronger in horse than they; and though we had but few foot, we had 1,000 dragoons. We had placed our horse and foot throughout in one line, with two reserves of horse, and between every division of horse a division of foot, only that on the extremes of our wings there were

We drew up our little army in order of battle the next day, expecting Lord Fairfax would have charged us; but his lordship was so far from any such thoughts, that he placed a party of dragoons with orders to fortify the pass at Ferrybridge, to prevent our falling upon him in his retreat, which he needed not to have done; for, having raised the siege of Pontefract, our business was over: we had nothing to say to him, unless we had been strong enough to stay.

We lost not above thirty men in this action, and the enemy three hundred, with about one hundred and fifty prisoners, one piece of cannon, all their ammunition, one thousand arms, and most of their baggage, and Colonel Lambert was once taken prisoner, being wounded, but got off again. (Note 23.)

We brought no relief for the garrison, but the opportunity to furnish themselves out of the country, which they did very plentifully. The ammunition taken from the enemy was given to them, which they wanted, and was their due; for they had seized it in the sally they made, before the enemy was quite defeated.

I cannot omit taking notice, on all occasions, how exceedingly serviceable this method was of posting musketeers in the intervals, among the horse, in all this war

I persuaded our generals to it as much as possible, and I never knew a body of horse beaten that did so; yet I had great difficulty to prevail upon our people to believe it, though it was taught me by Gustavus Adolphus, the greatest general in the world. Prince Rupert did it at the battle of Marston Moor; and had the Earl of Newcastle not been obstinate against it in his right wing, as I observed before, the day had not been lost.

In discoursing this with Sir Marmaduke Langdale, 1 had related several examples of the serviceableness of these small bodies of firemen, and, with great difficulty, brought him to agree, telling him I would be answerable for the success; after the fight, he told me plainly he saw the advantage of it, and would never fight otherwise again, if he had any foot to place.

Having relieved these two places, we hastened, by long marches, through Derbyshire, to join Prince Rupert on the edge of Shropshire and Cheshire. We found Colonel Rositer had fel

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lowed us at a distance ever since the business at Melton Mowbray, but never cared to attack us, and we found he did the like still. Our general would fain have been doing with him again, but we found him too shy.

Once we laid a trap for him at Dovebridge, between Derby and Burton-upon-Trent, the body being marched two days before; three hundred dragoons were left to guard the bridge, as if we were afraid he should fall upon us.

Upon this we marched on to Burton, and the|| next day, fetching a compass round, came to a village near Titbury Castle, whose name I have forgot, where we lay still, expecting our dragoons would be attacked.

Accordingly Rositer, strengthened with some troops of horse from Yorkshire, came up to the bridge, and, finding some dragoons posted, advanced to charge them; the dragoons immediately mounted their horses and fled, as they were ordered; but the old lad was not to be caught so; for he halted immediately at the bridge, and would not come over till he had sent three or four flying parties abroad to discover the country.

One of these parties fell into our hands, and received but coarse entertainment. Finding the plot would not take, we appeared and drew up in view of the bridge, but he would not stir; so we continued our march into Cheshire, where we joined Prince Rupert and Prince Maurice, making together a fine body, being above eight thousand horse and dragoons.

This was the best and most successful expedition I was in during this war. It was well concerted, and executed with as much expedition and conduct as could be desired. and the success was answerable to it.

Indeed, considering the season of the year, for we set out from Oxford the latter end of February, the ways bad, and the season wet, it was a terrible march of above two hundred miles, in continual action, and incessantly dodged and observed by a vigilant enemy, and at a time when the north was overrun by their armies, and the Scots wanting employment for their forces; yet, in less than twenty-three days, we marched two hundred miles, fought the enemy in open field four times, relieved one garrison besieged, raised the siege of another, and joined our friends at last in safety.

The enemy was in great pain for Sir William Brereton and his forces, and expresses rode night and day to the Scots in the north, and to the parties in Lancashire, to come to his help. The prince, who used to be rather too forward to fight than otherwise, could not be persuaded to make use of this opportunity, but loitered, if I may be allowed to say so, till the Scots, with a brigade of horse and two thousand foot, had ́oined him; and then it was not thought proper to engage them.

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ment, and above twenty thousand pounds in money and plate, which at several times he had lent, or rather given to the king, had reduced our family to very ill circumstances; and now they talked of cutting down his woods.

I had a great deal of discourse with my father on this affair; and finding him extremely concerned, I offered to go to the king, and desire his leave to go to London, and treat about his composition, or to render myself a prisoner in his stead, while he went up himself.

In this difficulty I treated with the governor of the town, who very civilly offered me his pass to go for London, which I accepted; and waiting on Prince Rupert, who was then at Worcester, I acquainted him with my design.

The prince was unwilling I should go to London; but told me he had some prisoners of the parliament's friends in Cumberland, and he would get an exchange for my father.

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I replied, if he would give me his word for it, I knew I might depend upon it, otherwise there were so many of the king's party in their hands, that his majesty was tired with solicitations for exchanges; for we never had a prisoner but there were ten offers of exchanges for him. The prince said I might depend upon him, and he was as good as his word quickly after.

While the prince lay at Worcester he made an excursion into Herefordshire, and having made some of the gentlemen prisoners, brought them to Worcester; and though it was an action which had not been usual, they being persons not in arms, yet the like being my father's case, who was really not in commission, nor in any military service, having resigned his regiment three years before to me, the prince insisted on exchanging them for such as the parliament had in custody in similar cir

cumstances.

The gentlemen, seeing no remedy, solicited their own case at the parliament, and got it passed in their behalf, and by this means my father got his liberty; and, by the assistance of the Earl of Denbigh, got leave to come to London to make a composition, as a delinquent, for his estate.

This they charged at seven thousand pounds; but, by the assistance of the same noble person, he got off for four thousand pounds: some members of the committee moved very kindly that my father should oblige me to quit the king's service; but that, as a thing which might be out of his power, was not insisted on.

The modelling the parliament army took them up all this winter, and we were in great hopes the divisions which appeared amongst them might have weakened their party; but when they voted Sir Thomas Fairfax to be general, I confess I was convinced the king's affairs were desperate, and lost.

Sir Thomas, abating the zeal of his party, and the mistaken opinion of his cause, was the fittest man amongst them to undertake the charge: he was a complete general, strict in his discipline, wary in conduct, fearless in action, unwearied in the fatigue of the war, and, withal, of a modest, noble, generous disposition.

I took this opportunity to go to Shrewsbury to visit my father, who was a prisoner of war there, getting a pass from the enemy's governor. He allowed him the liberty of the town, and sometimes to go to his own house, upon his parole; so that his confinement was not very much to his personal injury: but this, together with We all apprehended danger from him, and the charges he had been at in raising the regi-heartily wished him of our own side; and the

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