No more powerful argument for the new Nationalist movement than this war against Jewish supremacy could be imagined. Thus, both the external and internal enemies of German Nationalism were working for it with their united strength, preparing, also, a most attractive programme, reflecting the purposes of the movement: (1) Re-establishment of the old German Empire; (2) Union of the Empires of Austria and Germany; (3) Overthrow of Social Democracy and reestablishment of the monarchy-under the sceptre of the Hohenzollerns or the Wittelsbachs, but not the Hapsburgs; (4) The end of Jewish supremacy.

This, as is evident, is a programme calculated to attract adherents as nothing else could do; to find the warmest echoes in the hearts of all those Germans who do not profess or flirt with the gospel of Marx, and to win for itself the widest publicity and the most numerous following. Even its most inflexible antagonist, if he consider it impartially, can see in it nothing but a logical and psychological reaction against those bitter and irritating experiences which the German people have been forced to endure since the collapse, and will be unable to contest its ethical justice. In England especially, where a strong sense of justice has always prevailed, this programme, in spite of the antagonism its aims may arouse, will not fail to receive understanding and respect; for so proud a people as the British, set in the place of the Germans, would undoubtedly for the most part stand for the same or very similar principles.

It was Germany's most inflexible enemy-again the irony of history!-who added to the four main points of the Nationalist programme a fifth, and who gained for the Germans a world-sympathy they had not formerly enjoyed. I refer to the tyranny exercised by the French in the Ruhr districts, the terrible war of extermination waged, in time of peace, against the unfortunate inhabitants of those districts-methods that ill become a people who prided themselves upon leading the van of civilisation! The behaviour of the French in the Ruhr recalls the famous witticism of one of their countrymen, 'C'est plus qu'un crime; c'est une faute!' The French have made martyrs in Germany, but martyrs -and this Paris does not seem to realise-after their

death are apt to become the best advocates of their cause. So, to the four points of the German Nationalist programme is added a fifth: Vengeance on France! A point which, though it may not be read in black and white, is written in blood in the heart of every German patriot.

As has been mentioned already, the new Nationalist movement has chosen for its symbol the 'hooked cross,' evidently to indicate the Aryan nature of the movement. The 'hooked cross' is said to be an ancient symbol of the Indo-German (Aryan) peoples and in Sanscrit literature is given the name 'Swastika,' meaning 'luck-bringer.' It may here be observed that the swastika was the symbol of that secret society, the Rosicrucians, in the 18th century; the hammer of the freemasons is said to have been adapted from it. In any case it stamps the new German Nationalist movement with the sign of secrecy, though without reason, apparently, as its followers openly wear the badge of 'National Socialists' among the parties. Nevertheless, attached to it at least by a common aim, are innumerable secret societies which, under the surface of public life, have spun webs over the whole of Germany and German-Austria, each possessing its own name and rules. The various criminal actions in which members of these societies have been involved confirm this statement, and have given many glimpses of the secret organisations; glimpses for the most part revealing nothing that is pleasing or intended for the knowledge of the party as a whole. To a certain extent these societies, so far as they devote themselves to monarchist aims-which is by no means invariably the case-preserve their secrecy on account of antagonism to the existing form of government and the ruling party, against Republic and Social Democracy. Likewise, a childish enjoyment of the mysterious plays its part, particularly as most of the members are raw youths who like the idea of acting as conspirators and consider themselves of vast importance; but there is also another and less harmless reason for this secrecy. The methods employed by many of the societies to attain their ends are criminal: their ultima ratio' is murder, no less a crime because its motive is

political, not personal. The murders of Erzberger and Rathenau have thrown grim light upon these methods, and if as yet their victims are not numerous, it is chiefly owing to the work of the police and not to the secret societies. From what has become known of their proceedings there can be no doubt as to their intentions to remove yet other persons. They cherish the precept that the end justifies the means, and therefore consider murder permissible, even authorised, when it is a matter of removing men who seem to them harmful to their country or as obstacles in their path. It is true that, given special circumstances, murder itself may be ennobled by its motive and lose its criminal character. We may cite the example of Charlotte Corday who freed France from the monstrous tyranny of Marat; or of Wilhelm Tell who, of course, never existed, but who, through Schiller, became a hero of romance, not despite but because of his deed of assassination. But these are exceptions; and the murderers of Erzberger and Rathenau were by no means modern Tells, even if they consider themselves so, for neither of those men was a tyrant like the Landgrave Gessler in the Tell legend, or, still less, like Marat.

These Ku-Klux-Klan methods of the modern PanGermans are really astounding as they are opposed to the German character. To the honour of the people be it said that political murder or even political conspiracy has never found a footing there, in contrast to the Slavs peoples, Serbs, Russians, and Bulgarians; to the Roman peoples, especially to the Italians and Spaniards. The explanation of this remarkable psychological transformation of the German people is to be found in the many influences that have affected them; above all, in the disturbed, hysterical, and violent events of the present times and the bad examples set by their political antagonists. Think only of the reeking streams of blood that have been poured out in unhappy Russia since Lenin and Trotsky took the helm; of the terrorism of Bela Kun and Szamuely, who set themselves to rule Hungary after the manner of Robespierre and Marat; think of the murders committed by the German Communists, and particularly the cowardly murder of the hostages in Munich, and we can understand and judge

more leniently, if we cannot excuse, the fact that the opponents of the Revolution adopted that model of violence which their adversaries had employed so successfully. Violence for violence!-that was the motto and the means which must help them in their turn to victory. It was the same idea as inspired the Italian Fascisti and drove them to their violence.

Also, there is that other contributory cause, the behaviour of the French in the Ruhr. We know, through an absolutely convincing document, what an intractable spirit of hatred and revenge has been let loose amongst the inhabitants of these districts, affecting not them alone, but others in far off-places. Thus a German writes from Brunn (Moravia) to a newspaper published (possibly no longer) in Berlin, edited by a certain Heinrich Distler and bearing the curious title 'Die Nacht am Rhein.' In this letter, the date of which, like that of the newspaper, is not given, occurs the following passage:

'When the black and white armed beasts were let loose upon defenceless Germany, it was undoubtedly with the knowledge and consent of the French officers. Therefore, this must be the rule: for every maltreated German a French officer must die. After the manner of Ireland a secret society must spin its web over unoccupied Germany, and from this must come determined men, capable of anything, who have put their trust in Heaven and are ready to take revenge. If in one place a German has, physically or spiritually, been assassinated, then in another place a French dog must be sent to Hell. . . . There must be no shrinking from secret league paragraphs, police, executioner, or gallows. What is possible to the Irish is possible also to Germans under this unbearable-oppression and deep shame. Let us have no inappropriate moral considerations! Rules for the guidance of children are no longer applicable where our torturers are concerned. Since there now exists but one high and holy purpose every traitor must be removed. The right method will soon be found by German genius from the example of foreigners. The only weapon is self-help.'

...

The means which this self-help is to employ are indicated in another letter to the editor coming from a German in America named Theodor Otto. He writes, 'German science must now devote itself to the task of

deliverance: with poison-gas and bacilli the incendiarists must be extirpated!'

Frank hatred and revenge stare out from these letters, and show to what condition of mental savagery and moral confusion the war and the subsequent collapse have led. The removal of traitors' of which the first letter speaks is by no means, as one might fancy, a bombastic phrase of the probably very youthful writer. Secret courts of justice have already repeatedly been held over members of secret societies who were regarded as traitors to their cause. Not long ago a terrible case of the kind occurred in Germany where a young man disappeared mysteriously until the ceaseless efforts of his mother at last resulted in the discovery of his remains. He had been the victim of a secret tribunal and been murdered in an inhuman manner by his comrades, quite young fellows. A similar crime was committed recently in Vienna. A lad of nineteen was assassinated by his colleagues of a similar age becausepresumably-he had betrayed the society to which they belonged. Inquiries into the case led to the arrest of more than twenty young men, members of that organisation. The leader of the National Socialist party naturally hastened to repudiate all responsibility for the murder, but could not deny the relations of the murderers with his party shortly before the crime.

If one believed the statements of the Social Democrat and Liberal papers, for the most part edited or influenced by Jews, the members of the secret societies are mainly recruited from former corps of officers, the nobility, and the upper strata of the bourgeoisie. It cannot be denied that, as the courts of justice have shown, not a few of them are representatives of these classes. This, however, is but natural, as those classes have suffered most severely from the collapse, many of them being thrown right out of their course in life. We have only to consider the many officers educated specially for their career, who, one might say, in a single night, found themselves homeless and without bread, not knowing how to earn a living. Is it not natural that many of them should throw themselves into the arms of a movement which has provided them with food and work and has made use of their military knowledge?