Especially as the movement showed respect for their rank and reflected their political sympathies and convictions. It would be vain to contest that amongst those uprooted lives deperadoes and men of doubtful honour are to be found. Such a movement evolved from the conditions of such a collapse as they had suffered must always attract a powerful following from those elements.

To declare, as the Liberal and Revolutionary press would have their readers believe, that, because Conservatives also were involved in the various Putsches and murders, German Conservatism is a hot-bed of murder and terrorism, is to do the party great injustice. Their standard of honour is too high, their distaste for revolutionary methods too great, to permit them, in spite of their sympathy for the aims of the new German Nationalism, to favour those doubtful and sometimes criminal courses. Through these hateful insinuations against the upper classes it is hoped to discredit the monarchy in the minds of the people.

The connexion between Monarchism and National Socialism is, however, by no means so strong as their opponents are wont to declare. In Austria, at any rate, the two streams run in precisely contrary directions. The official programme of the National Socialists-I am not aware if this programme also holds good for Germany-makes no mention of the monarchist idea, and the leader of the party, Dr Riehl, lately proclaimed himself as being in favour of the Republican form of government, at the same time expressing his enmity to the House of Hapsburg. One may the more readily believe him, as the German Nationalists in Austria were never friendly to the dynasty-the Alldeutsche party, indeed, were its bitterest foes. The monarchists-that is, the legitimist party in Austria-are, therefore, by no means in close relations with the National Socialists and entertain no sympathy for them.

If we consider the sum of things we come to the following conclusion concerning the new Nationalist movement. Though comprehensible in its motives and chief aims and, from the German point of view, justified, it has adopted devious ways and brought discredit on itself. Being largely in the hands of the youthful, raw, and adventurous, it could hardly hope for any great or

enduring results along the trodden paths, so long as no politician of good standing or any man of genius can be found to lead it. Then, but only then, would it have the whole of Germany behind it, or at least that section of the country which belongs neither to the Social Democrats nor to the Jews.

So far as Austria is concerned the movement is too unimportant to be serious, as, unlike the German movement, it has not the support of the monarchist (Hapsburg) party. Its future, therefore, depends entirely on the development of the movement in Germany.

It remains only to point out the significance which German National Socialism possesses for the British Empire. In answer to the question as to whether it holds any threat against England, we must admit that, in certain eventualities, it does. But the danger is not to be found where the English for the most part, probably, look for it—that is, in the re-establishment of the monarchy in Germany. Certainly it is possible that the monarchical idea may ultimately prevail there; but from this turn of events England has nothing to fear. Even if certain light-minded Alldeutsche fools should be disposed to realise the Hymn of Hate of the Jew Lissauer, they would scarcely find an echo in the wider circles of the German people. And even were that the case, what could Germany do against the British Empire? It possesses neither weapons, ships, nor-most important of all-money with which to conduct a war. Only men are available, and however numerous they alone would not suffice.

The danger to England of the new movement in Germany lies, not in the Monarchist movement, but in the opposite element-Bolshevism. This may seem incredible, as the movement is out to fight Bolshevism; but it must be remembered that it employs Bolshevist methods, and that a transition from the form to the reality of Bolshevism is nearer than may be supposed. A turn in such direction is not beyond the bounds of possibility. There is more to be said for than against it. Among the extreme Nationalists there has long been a tendency to ally with Russian Bolshevism, with the idea of obtaining its help to shake off the French and to Vol. 240.-No. 477.

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be revenged on them.* A tendency which once more illustrates the short-sighted policy of the Germans, for there is not the slightest doubt that Germany could not again rid itself of the demons thus evoked, and that the flood of Bolshevism would break with devastating force all over Germany. This blood-red sea would naturally not be kept back by the chain of French fortresses from overwhelming France as well, and the English Channel would hardly be an obstacle. That is the danger which England has to dread, and for that reason the English should regard with deep mistrust the experiments of Monsieur Poincaré, for these it is which are casting German Nationalism into the arms of Bolshevism and tending to bring about that World Revolution which is the ideal of Lenin and Trotsky.

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THEODORE VON SOSNOSKY.

*The notorious Bolshevik Radek tried to bring about a fusion of the Communists and hooked Crusaders' which, in spite of their apparent antagonism, is by no means outside the bounds of possibility.

Art. 7.—THE MIRACLE OF THE FORD CAR.

1. Henry Ford. My Life and Work. Heinemann, 1922. 2. Facts and Figures of the Automobile Industry. National Automobile Chamber of Commerce. New York, 1923.

THE motor-car, and particularly the Ford car, is revolutionising the habits of the nations and rapidly changing the aspect of the world. In the United States, especially, motoring has been developed with the utmost intensity. The tremendous expansion of the American motor-car industry may be seen by the increase of production which has developed as follows:

According to present indications production in the current year will approximate 4,000,000. Not so long ago the American motor-car industry was insignificant. In 1922 the value of its products, cars, trucks, tyres, and replacement parts, was estimated at $2,865,000,000, and it is now the leading manufacturing industry owing to the value of its products. Great and small are terms of comparison. According to the report of the U.S. Automobile Chamber of Commerce, Canada produces 91,000 cars, France 75,000 cars, Great Britain 50,000 cars, Germany 43,000 cars. Of all the cars turned out in the world, the United States produce within their own area 90 per cent.; while Americans produce in Americanowned factories established in Canada 3 per cent. of the world's motor-cars. If we add to these the American plant in England and elsewhere, it would probably be safe to assume that the Americans produce 95 per cent. of the cars in the world, and all the other nations combined about 5 per cent. In fact, the motor-car has become an American monopoly.

The motor-car industry of the United States is an enormous consumer of iron and steel, glass, rubber,

aluminium, copper, lead, tin, paint, oil, etc. In 1922 the American industry used 2,374,723 tons of iron and steel in making cars and trucks. Probably a larger quantity of iron and steel was employed in building garages, repairing shops, etc. It is quite likely that altogether the American motor-car consumes per year 6,000,000 tons of iron and steel, considerably more than half the entire British output of the metal. Approximately 40,000,000 square feet of plate glass, half the national production, is used by the motor-car. The bulk of the world's rubber is produced in the British Empire; yet two-thirds of the world's supply of rubber go to the tyre-makers in America. The United States produce two-thirds of the world's oil. Nevertheless, the Americans import gigantic quantities of oil, mainly because of the insatiable demands of their motor-cars.

In 1922 there were 14,507,588 motor-car vehicles in the world. Of these the United States possessed, according to the American figures, 12,239,114, or 84 per cent.; while the United Kingdom possessed 498,271, or 3 per cent. The motor-car industry gives occupation to millions of workers. On Feb. 26, 1922, the New York Herald' published a statement according to which the American motor-car industry employed:

The figures of metal workers, etc., given are based on the percentage of goods used by the motor-car industry and are, therefore, reliable. Since February 1922, however, motor-car production has increased greatly, and as the number of workers employed in erecting garages and other plant and in furnishing the materials required