to the old New York society circles unless he has great capacity for spending money (brains being superfluous and uncomfortable), but in commercial circles the outsider is cordially welcomed if he has a great capacity for making money. And the New Yorker knows the world. When he wants anything - political or otherwise - he fills his bag with money and starts for it. New York wanted western trade and dug the Erie Canal and got it. New York wanted a grand city and built it. New York wants to spend money and spends it, lavishly, foolishly, recklessly. New York doesn't like prohibition; so ignores it. Occasionally New York turns on its government and in a spasm of virtue overturns the local government and then forgets all about it and allows the politicians to swarm back again. Millions come to New York to have a good time and have it. Millions come to get a living and don't get it. It is the Imperial City, but in it one is alone with not even the country for company. New York is intellect and gain; Brooklyn is sympathetic. Rich men from all over the country move to New York to do their financing; their families to live the New York life. The old families are being crowded out.

The fascinating New York woman to the manner born is celebrated in Europe and America a charming creature, although not always easy to live with. She is of the idle rich and squanders money, but there are compensations. Her refinement and exquisite manners have a wide influence on America, where the usual manners have been and are a reproach. Manners may not make the man but certainly carry him far. And fine manners are molded by refined women. The New York woman

of the old families has a finish of her own and knows the best of Europe. Her manners justify her existence and she is worth the price. Men yield to her magic touch. She is more numerous than the idle rich men, because most men are busy making money while she is busy spending it. American civilization gives little for its upper-class women to do, but does give them the ample

leisure, repose, and calm, the absence of heat and haste, necessary to the cultivation of manners and the amenities of social life, the unselfish life, the life of the graces. The suffrage is changing all this, and, moreover, pleasure is usurping duty. The women are demanding the privileges of men, but America in its parabolic curves swings wide and yet is true to its Puritanic nature. Meantime city life has not displaced country life in America, and nearly half of our population is in the country or in small towns of less than 2500 people.

New York is a just city. It judges accurately the trustworthiness and ability of a man and utilizes him accordingly. All doors are open to him in the direction for which he is fitted. All doors are closed tight in every other direction. Time is the sifter. It is no kindness to a man to place him out of place. It is no unkindness to let him shift for himself and then offer him unlimited opportunities for what he is fitted. New York does this. In return, as Emerson says, "Every man who removes into this city with any purchasable talent or skill in him, gives to every man's labor in the city a new worth." 1

New York is now the financial center of the world; the meeting place of all races; the lure of the richest and most powerful nation in existence; it represents every phase of American traits and has all their vices as well as all their virtues.

CHAPTER VII

PENNSYLVANIA

ALBERT GALLATIN, one of the four great Secretaries of the Treasury (Hamilton, Chase, and Mellon), born in Switzerland but raised and fashioned in Pennsylvania, said: "In Pennsylvania, not only we have neither Livingstons nor Rensselaers, but from the suburbs of Philadelphia to the banks of the Ohio I do not know a single family that has an extensive influence. An equal distribution of property has rendered every individual independent, and there is among us true and real equality." The result has been that Pennsylvania, as a solid bar of democracy between the North and South, has always supported the Union, aside from the whisky episode, and when has whisky not been a law-disturbing element? Time and again it has cast its solid vote, in Congress and out, for the preservation of the Union. It properly has become known as the "Keystone State." Nor should Robert Morris of Pennsylvania, who as Superintendent of Finance sustained the terrible finances of the Revolution and pledged his own fortune in the cause, be forgotten. When the ragged troops of Washington, "almost naked with mere linen vests and trousers, most of them without stockings; but . . looking very healthy and in the best of spirits," with the brilliantly equipped French, swept south through Philadelphia in their rapid march to Yorktown, Morris went from house to house begging contributions for the American soldiers.

Henry Adams in his "History of the United States" says that "in every . . . issue that concerned the Union, the voice which spoke in most potent tones was that of Pennsylvania. This great State, considering its political importance, was treated

with little respect by its neighbors; and yet had New England, New York, and Virginia been swept out of existence in 1800, democracy could have better spared them all than have lost Pennsylvania. The only true democratic community then existing in the eastern States, Pennsylvania was neither picturesque nor troublesome. . . . If its soil bred little genius, it bred still less treason. With twenty different religious creeds, its practice could not be narrow, and a strong Quaker element made it humane. If the American Union succeeded, the good sense, liberality, and democratic spirit of Pennsylvania had a right to claim credit for the result. . The people showed little of that acuteness which prevailed to the eastward of the Hudson. Pennsylvania was never smart, yet rarely failed to gain her objects, and and never committed committed serious follies. . . . They indulged in endless factiousness over offices, but they never attempted to govern, and after one brief experience they never rebelled. Thus holding abstract politics at arm's length, they supported the national government with a sagacious sense that their own interests were those of the United States." 1

By 1760 Philadelphia passed Boston and was not only the largest city but also the social center of the colonies. In 1776 Philadelphia had 35,000 people; New York, 25,000; Boston less, but Boston was more important than either, commercially and in culture. In Pennsylvania every European language was spoken, so varied had been its immigration. Germans (erroneously called "Pennsylvania Dutch") were there in great numbers, particularly as farmers. Quakers under William Penn had founded the commonwealth, and they lent sobriety, continuity, and even a somber hue to the Pennsylvania character. At one time three Quaker counties in Pennsylvania with less than half the population of the province elected 24 of the 36 deputies in the Assembly. The Quakers occupied the eastern counties; the Germans the center; while as to the Scotch-Irish, Professor Becker well says: "Sometimes mixing with the Germans, the

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main body of the Scotch-Irish was everywhere farther west. Too martial to fear the Indians, and too aggressive to live at peace with them, they were the true borderers of the century, the frontier of the frontier, forming, from Londonderry in New England to the Savannah, an outer bulwark, behind which the older settlements, and even the peace-loving Germans themselves, rested in some measure of security." In other words, the Quakers wouldn't fight; the Germans didn't want to fight; the Scotch-Irish loved a fight. Hildreth says that in 1740 the Quakers in Pennsylvania were less than a third of the population, "but their wealth and union gave them control of the Assembly, in which they filled most of the seats. They were also warmly supported by the Germans, who did not favor taxes, and were little disposed to serve as militia-men."2 But the Quakers, with some exceptions, would not fight, and with savage Indians overrunning the province, peace was impossible. Then came the seven years' war between England and France from 1756 to 1763, resulting in England taking Canada and the West from France. The Quakers did not help much and their rule rapidly neared an end. In 1764 the backwoodsmen marched upon Philadelphia to reach some Indians, who had taken refuge there. The Quakers and Germans gathered to protect the city and civil war was imminent. It was averted largely by the diplomacy of Franklin. This marked the close of Quaker supremacy and the beginning of the predominance of the Scotch-Irish pioneers. The Quakers voluntarily gave up control because the English government in 1755 had insisted on fighting men taking charge.

Immigration due to iron, coal, and oil has not materially changed the Pennsylvanian. It has taxed his capacity for organization and his capacity to rule a horde of unruly immigrants from southern and eastern Europe, but rule them he does. Imperturbable, the Pennsylvanian makes new laws to meet new conditions. He is a sturdy, forceful character. The politics of Pennsylvania are demoralized demoralized by the rail