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inventions. Not only modern machinery, but modern electrical power had their origins in this country. The fact that Englishmen have devised electrical stations of the highest efficiency may be seen, inter alia, in Northumberland, on the Clyde, and in Lancashire.

When the war had drawn to its end, the question of economic reorganisation was closely studied by competent bodies, among them the Coal Conservation Committee. In consequence of its recommendations, the Electricity Supply Bill of 1919 was drawn up, which was to give legislative sanction to its findings. If a national policy of power development had then been established, the present industrial position of this country might have been very different. Unfortunately, seven years have been wasted in discussions, proposals, and delays; but at last the Government has established a scheme of national electrification, which will entail an expenditure of perhaps 33,500,000l., but will result, it is believed, in the saving of some 44,000,000l. per year. Estimates such as these must necessarily be speculative. Yet the amount to be spent is comparatively so unimportant that the question of cost is scarcely worth considering. After all, practically the same sum was paid to the coal industry in a futile attempt to keep that industry going. A nation which has lost 500,000,000l. in consequence of the coal strike should not question the expenditure of a few millions where its industrial future is vitally concerned. The time for electrifying Great Britain is overdue. Electricity is not a luxury of the rich, but a definite industrial necessity; and, with every year that passes by, the need for electrification becomes more urgent.

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By the Electricity Act we are to be given a central authority with regional administrative boards. Arrangements are to be made for providing central power stations with main transmission lines, and the interconnexion of existing stations is to be effected and power zones are to be formed, which would enter into a central power scheme. The object of unifying the electricity supply of the country would necessarily embody the creation of uniform frequency, and the territorial monopoly now held by various organisations would necessarily disappear.

Parochialism in matters electrical must go. In the

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early railway age, lines were built haphazard from any-
where to anywhere. The type of rail, the gauge-in
fact, everything-was left to individuals who worked in
accordance with their own personal ideas in a circum-
scribed area.
At that time, no one could imagine that
railways would cover the entire country and open up
continents. The development of railway traffic rendered
unification and uniformity of gauge indispensable. This
country suffered grievous economic loss through giving
inadequate attention in early days to this development
on broad national lines. If conservatism and a narrow
care for established interests should hinder or prevent
the future wide electrification of Great Britain, genera-
tions are sure to suffer from our short-sightedness.

Widespread unemployment and stagnation of trade and industry are largely, if not principally, due to the inefficiency of our economic outfit. We led other nations in the past by reason of our general efficiency. If we allow competitors to develop this highly valuable source of power without stirring ourselves to do likewise, we shall deserve the ill consequences which are bound to follow short-sightedness.

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A not uncommon form of criticism, or obstruction, with commercially interested parties is to shriek 'Socialism' as an objection. It is, in these days, a simple way of prejudicing others, and is especially had recourse to where the private enterprise 'case' is a bad one for reasons that have already made themselves clear. Moreover, shrieking Socialism' stands a good chance of appealing to those (in or out of politics) who never trouble themselves to go into the intrinsic merits of any proposals. To those, however, who are only concerned with the National and Public aspect, the question really is whether any such proposed change could be suitably left to private enterprise; that, again, depends on whether private enterprise clashes with National and Public interests. It unfortunately clearly does so in this instance, or the changes referred to would undoubtedly have been brought about long ago. It may be added that if this Bill is 'Socialism,' still more so are our Navy and our Army. But it is not.

CHARLES BRIGHT.

Art. 7.-WHAT GERMANY IS DOING.

GERMANY has been defeated in war, but it is difficult to imagine that the German nation will consider that defeat as final. History has taught that a vanquished nation strives with all its might to regain, and more than regain, what it has lost unless it has experienced so overwhelming a disaster that a war of revenge seems hopeless. There was a time when Swedish and Dutch statesmen and patriots told their people that the most important task before them was to forget that they had once been a Great Power. Utterly defeated, Sweden and Holland fell never to rise again, because limitations of territory and of population proved insurmountable. There are no such impediments in the way of Germany. The character of nations is formed by their history, experiences, and tradition. Modern Germany, like the Roman Empire, sprang from the smallest beginnings. The old German Empire was modelled on the Roman Empire. That fact is familiar to all who have read Bryce's magnificent volume, 'The Holy Roman Empire.' The Roman Empire of German Nationality' came to an inglorious end in the time of Napoleon I. It was a political monstrosity, and its place was taken by a Prussianised Germany, by a conquering State which possessed to a high degree the characteristics of the Roman Soldier State. Treitschke, Delbrück, and many other German historians have drawn parallels between all-conquering Rome and modern Germany.

The rise of modern Germany was miraculous. The Hohenzollerns orginally were insignificant noblemen in South Germany. By successful warfare, unscrupulous diplomacy, excellent organisation, and strict military discipline they created a nation of fighters, workers, and thinkers. Every German school-child is told the stirring story of how little Brandenburg, which at the time was as insignificant as one of the smaller Balkan States, became a wealthy and powerful country. Every German citizen is acquainted with the achievements of the Great Elector, Frederick William I, Frederick the Great, William I, Stein, and Bismarck. Every German is taught that he belongs to the foremost race in the world, and

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that the achievements of other nations are either
insignificant in comparison or are due to the Teutonic
racial leaven in them. Modern Germany, like ancient
Rome, has experienced disastrous defeats which have
only increased the determination of the rulers and the
ruled eventually to succeed. The State of the Hohenzol-
lerns experienced such defeats before 1806. Often
nations are born in war to die in peace. Modern
Germany, again like ancient Rome, has never known
true peace.
The Hohenzollern State has been for
centuries an armed camp, a nation preparing for the
coming war.

In the past, nations were made or destroyed on the field of battle. In the modern world nations rise and fall on the field of industry. During the decades preceding the Great War, Germany advanced so rapidly in industry, commerce, wealth, and population that she might have obtained predominance in Europe, and possibly in the world, had she kept the peace. Germany almost succeeded in defeating the Allies because of the high development of her industries. She produced, during the first war-years, far more iron and steel than all the other nations of Europe combined, and she had a similar predominance in the output of chemicals. Had it not been for the assistance given to the Allies by American industries, Germany might have won the war. The strength of nations is based on their natural resources and their population. The increase of the population is determined by the natural wealth of the country and the prosperity of its industries and commerce. Stagnant industries produce stagnation in the population. Rapidly expanding industries lead to a similar expansion in population and national wealth and strength.

The great industrial leaders of Germany were convinced of the folly of the war. They knew that in peace Germany might have risen to undreamt-of heights owing to the expansion of the national industries and of the population. When defeat came they preached that Germany might regain by peaceful industry what she had lost in battle. The Court and the Junkers had refused to listen to German business men before 1914 when they spoke of world-conquest by peaceful industry.

The statesmen of Republican Germany, however, have paid careful attention to what the industrial leaders have said. Germany has been demilitarised, but she has by no means been disarmed, nor has the will to conquest been destroyed. German energy has merely been diverted from militarism to more peaceful pursuits, and the whole nation is animated by the idea that the Reich may regain in peace all that she has lost in war, and

more.

By the Peace of Versailles Germany lost vast territories, inhabited by 6,500,000 people, territories which contain agricultural wealth, gigantic coal, iron, and zinc mines, potash deposits, and works and factories of every kind. The proclamation of the Republic was followed by years of political disorder, financial confusion, and industrial disorganisation. During the war and the post-war period, however, the mechanical outfit of the country was overhauled and immensely improved, and the productive power of Germany, at present, is, in consequence, far larger than it was in 1914. The potential wealth of Germany is greater than ever, in spite of her territorial losses. During the years of confusion which followed the German revolution, agricultural and industrial production was low. Ca' canny among the workers was general. The idea of the Class War led to innumerable strikes and to under-production. The time of strife and of confusion has now gone. Germany has settled to work, and her agriculture and her industries are once more rapidly expanding. She has miraculously overcome the greatest inflation known to history, and the most ruthless deflation. According to official statistics, the production of the great staple crops has changed as follows:

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