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exist when the supply is inadequate to the demand.-The substance and complexion of this pamphlet, to prevent mistake or misrepresen tation, shall be exhibited in the author's own words:

The present scarcity and extravagant high price of every necessary article of life, arise from the present expensive, destructive, and most unfortunate war, into which the nation has been unjustly and unneces sarily precipitated, and in the prosecution of which the people have been most fatally deluded;

First. By the great waste and increased consumption which it

occasions.

Secondly. By the numerous government contracts, and the large stores collected for the use of our armies and navies.

Thirdly. By the immense load of public debt, or false capital which it creates.

Fourthly. By the amazing quantity of paper-money, which is a 'natural consequence; and

Fifthly. The prodigious increase of taxes.'

Under the first head, the following statements respecting imported grain are given. The average importation of wheat for 12 years previous to the war was 169,082, NOT a fortnight's consumption. In 1796 the importation of corn of va

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rious kinds was about

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2,000,000 quarters.

1,091,079

1797
1798

1799

1,239,091

1,006,994.'

By this increased importation, our wants are not relieved; for which the following reason is assigned:

There are between three and four hundred thousand men now employed in the land and sea service, who not only consume, but add nothing to the general stock: were they employed in the cultivation of land, the produce of their labour would maintain upwards of twelve hundred thousand persons, instead of which they require as much at least as would maintain one million of inhabitants at home.'

Under the second head, the author maintains that, even were the quantity sold precisely the same, the very circumstance of one man known as a government buyer, purchasing a large quantity, must raise the market much higher than if the same quantity were bought by several small dealers.'

In support of the third position, it is observed that the national debt forms a false capital, and for every accumulation of debt, there are so many more persons to be supported in indolence at the expence of the industrious; so that it is not one of the least evils of war, that it multiplies the indolent, and diminishes the industrious, besides rendering the condition of those remaining less tolerable by the addi tional burthens they are forced to sustain."

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The fourth position is thus supported. The quantity of this fe titious money has had a direct tendency to raise the price of every thing else; nothing can be more true than the assertion, that, money be dear, every thing else must be cheap; and if money be cheap, every thing else must be dear in proportion to their relative qua tities.'

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On the last head, or on the operation of increased taxation, it is remarked that numberless instances might be produced to shew that every thing has risen in price with our debt and taxes, but it is sufficient to refer to the American war, as it must be within the recollection of many. During that war, articles rose gradually with our debt and taxes, and after its conclusion they never returned to their former prices, because, when the war ended, the taxes were not discontinued; while the present enormous taxes exist, it is impossible that things can revert to their former channel.'

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Some subordinate observations, with some strong anti-ministerial remarks, are added; after which, Mr. W. proceeds to the enumeration of his radical remedies: which are the restoration of peacea rigid and radical reform in the public expenditure--the abolition of unnecessary places and pensions-some limitation to paper currency -a general inclosure bill-a speedy and effectual relief for the labouring poor, by the erection of a sufficient number of cottages throughout the kingdom-a repeal of the income tax;—as also some regulations in the mode of taxing horses, livery servants, &c. by which the consumption may be lessened, and employment given to the helpless females, who now become a burthen to themselves and to society.'

Thus have we suffered Mr. W. to speak for himself; and we shall also leave our readers to form their own judgment. He dedicates his pamphlet to the late Lord Mayor, and concludes it with a fervent wish for the dismissal of ministers..

Art. 34. The Discharge of 37,000,000l. of the National Debt, demonstrated to be Part of the Cause of the rapid Dearness of Provisions that has taken Place within the last Ten Years: proving on the same compound Principle upon which the Debt is discharged, the Extent of that Part, viz. That the first Four Millions discharged had the pernicious Effect of depreciating each annual Income of 261. to the Amount of 11. 14s. 8d. that is, to 241. 5s. 4d. and so on progressively with some Thoughts on the Principles that must be adopted to save the Nation from the impending Ruin. attendant on such a Disaster. Being Part the Second of "The Cause of the threatened Famine traced to its real Source." By Common Sense. 8vo. Is. 6d. Scott.

The pamphlet, of which this is announced as a continuation, was noticed in our last Review, p. 326. The arguments there employed are here, according to the author's confession, for the most part repeated, but with a more extensive application. As to the principle of the system which the author deems it his duty to God, to human nature, and social order, to expose,' it may not be generally understood even with his repetitions and additional explanations. Mr. Common Sense states his doctrine in the form of a paradox, viz. that the immense quantity of money in the nation, or what passes for money, is the cause of our present want*; and that it is this circumstance

He gives it afterward, however, in plainer terms, viz. that the right of individuals to issue paper to any amount is the root of all our evils.

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which weighs down the scale against the laborious part, the productie power of nations. In proof of these assertions, he considers the opera tion of the Circulating Medium-Artificial Capital-MonopolyTaxation-and the National Debt, pronouncing our fictitious money a real misfortune to the great mass of the people.

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Before he proceeds to demonstrate the position in the title, the author objects to the phrase National Debt, and says that it ought to be called A Debt due by the Productive to the Unpro. ductive Part of the Nation;' and as to the Funding System, he terms it the meanest shuffle to gain our own ends, without any regard to the happiness of posterity. He supposes that, by the present mode of diminishing the debt, the part discharged must come into circulation, and thereby depreciate money, and increase the number of the poor to 3,000,000, with a proportional poor-rate. The annual maintenance of a pauper is now about 1ol., and when money comes, as it must come, to be six times less valuable, six to one more of it must go to do the same thing; in that case the annual maintenance of a pauper will amount to 6ol.; 60l. multiplied by 3,000,000, the number of paupers, gives a poor-rate of 180,000,000l.!!! What a conclusion! We turn from such calculations. Things cannot go on at this rate. Are we then lost, the reader will ask, without redemption? We hope not; though we must confess that we should have no hopes of political salvation, if it depended on the adoption of the plan for discharging the national debt suggested at the conclusion of this pamphlet; in which it is recommended to parcel out the crown lands among the stockholders, to abolish paper-currency, and to reduce the annuities in proportion to the cheapness of things, consequent on the preceding measures.

Art. 35. Letters to a Member of the British Parliament, on the Absur dity of Popular Prejudices; the Causes of the present high Price of Food; the Means of speedy Alleviation; and the Measures most proper for securing future Plenty. By Thomas Parsons. 8vo. IS. Robinsons.

Though Mr. Parsons has been materially anticipated in his remarks, they are delivered with such temper, ease, and perspicuity, as cannot fail of procuring them a favourable reception. The vulgar prejudices against farmers, corn-dealers, &c. are combated with liberality and good sense; and Adam Smith's doctrine of the benefit to society from the division of labour is very clearly illustrated. To remedy existing evils, the author recommends an immediate disuse of all the essential articles of life, in any other form than that of food; the introduction of the most essential substitutes for wheat; importation; the speedy return of peace; and inclosure, conducted with a scru pulous attention to the rights and comforts of the poor, on the sound as well as philanthropic maxim, " Make the poor comfortable, and they will become virtuous and happy." We are pleased to see the cottage system obtaining increasing patronage, in opposition to (as we conceive) the mistaken plan of poverty-hospitals, called Poorhouses, and Houses of Industry. In proportion as we increase the

* And the annual taxea 156,000,0col. !!!

cottage.

cottage-poor, we shall augment the productiveness of the earth, and diminish the poor-rates. It is in vain to attempt to bring more land into cultivation, unless we provide for those whose labour is to fertilize it. To induce men and their families to live and work on the soil, they must be decently accommodated. Mistaken rapacity would grasp all from the poor: but liberality to them, in the distri bution of domestic comfort, is the truest policy.

Art. 36. Short Thoughts on the present Price of Provisions. By an Officer of the Volunteer Corps. Svo. 6d. Wright.

After the many able pamphlets which have been written on the subject of the present scarcity, we cannot recommend this short pamphlet as containing either new or important remarks. It, however, evinces the good intention of the author.

Art. 37. Hints for a Vindication of Monopoly, Forestalling, and Regrating. To which are annexed, References to the following popular Topics: The Conduct of the Farmers: the Expedience of advancing the Wages of Labour: the Tendency of War to increase the fictitious Capital of the Nation, and its general Influence on the Prices of Provisons. 8vo. Is. 6d. Jordan.

Popular suffering excites popular clamour; which rarely proceeds on a knowlege of real causes, and which, therefore, if regarded by legislators and magistrates in their application of remédies, would more frequently increase than mitigate the evil. The operations of trade, in all articles for the use of man, are generally beneficial to a country; and if those articles universally rise in price, we should not be angry with dealers through whose hands they come to us, unless we are prepared to thank them and express our obligations (which in most instances they would be honest enough to disclaim) when these articles are cheap. To remove the more than vulgar misconceptions respecting monopoly, forestalling, and regrating, the author of this pamphlet reasons with great seriousness. Dearth caunot, (says he,) be the offspring of these practices, because, if the authors have any interest in producing it, and a power to second that interest, it is evident that dearth must be eternal and unremitting.' He is of opinion, with the majority of writers on this subject, that illiberal restrictions on trade would be injurious to the community; and that to attempt to reduce the price of provisions, by any other means than those of increased production, is a policy as spurious as it is unavailing. This gentleman, however, though he does not join in the declamation against ingrossers and forestallers, is not inattentive to the case of the poor in these hard times. Their wages, he contends, must, in some way or another, be advanced.

Other topics, particularly the funding and banking systems, are here discussed; and amid the various contributions of advice so liberally offered at the present juncture, these hints ought by no means to be overlooked, as they are evidently the fruit of a strong mind, habituated to reflection.-On the subject of war, the writer observes that, the visible tendency of all wars is to create a scarcity, by tranferring the productive labourer to a situation in which he de generates into an unproductive consumer.' Our reason, indeed, proclaims

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proclaims the impolicy, and our religion inculcates the sinfulness of war; yet the Christian world could scarcely have been more deeply involved in all its miseries, had it been without science and without revelation.

Art. 38. Examen de la Constitution de France de 1799; i. e. As Examination of the Constitution of France, of 1799, and a Comparison of it with the Monarchical Constitution of that State. Svo. pp. 150. 25. De Boffe, &c.

In the early days of the French Revolution, who foresaw that, in the course of a few years, a political system would be adopted by Frenchmen, which was less free than the antient monarchy? That this, however, is the case, the present pamphlet fully proves.-The following is perhaps something near a fair comparative view of the respective systems :-The power of the chief consul is far more extensive and absolute, than was ever that of any King of France. On the other hand, under the new system, full scope is given to talents; nothing damps the spirit of enterprize; feudal oppressions and exactions have ceased; the burthens and mischiefs of superstition no longer gall or harass; and the cultivator is better circumstanced than in any other state in Europe.

After having bestowed several harsh epithets on the new system, the author concludes with a pathetic exhortation to the chief consul; urging him, from a regard to his fame and reputation, to the gratitude of France and of Europe, and to his personal safety and happiness, to employ his present immense power in restoring the legi timate sovereign: telling him that he may rest confident that the past will be forgiven and buried in oblivion. The prayer of this author, however, will probably have no better effect than the advice of Lord Grenville. The present race of Frenchmen are too proud to make, in the face of the world, the solemn avowal that they possess neither wisdom nor virtue enough to form a government for themselves. Whether, by such a step, France would really consult her interest is a point on which much might be said: but the victories of the chief consul, and the general éclat of his government, render it an idle discussion.

Art. 39. Considerations on the Increase of the Poor Rates, and the State of the Workhouse, in Kingston upon Hull: to which is now added, a short Account of the Improvements in the Maintenance of the Poor of the Town. 8vo. pp. 110. Robinsons, &c. 1800. Important facts, sensible observations, and beneficent yet practicable plans, recommend this work to the attention of the public; who are indebted for this acceptable present, to the worthy governor of the poor of Hull, T. Thompson, Esq. All who have any connection with work-houses, or who have such institutions in contemplation, or who attend in any way to parochial matters, should peruse the pamphlet before us.

As grievous complaints on the subject of the poor-rates resound from all quarters, it may be useful to the public to learn what economy and attention have accomplished in the town of Hull. A

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