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having settled in the mind and faith of the Roman CHAP. Catholic church, and of its great princes, this irreconcileable and perpetual hostility against all Protestant systems, governments, and nations, compelled thereby every state which preferred the reformed religion, to feel that they were existing like the antient Christians, under a general ban of intended extermination; and therefore to seek and form those alliances with each other, which their common danger from one common enemy should, whenever it more actively pressed and threatened them, make expedient or indispensable. On this principle alone began, and for their mutual conservation only were continued, the intercourse and aids of Elizabeth to the denounced Huguenots of France, as soon as these were forced or fell into the position of maintaining, by their defensive sword, their religious belief and their persecuted lives.

The accession of Charles IX. in his tenth year occasioned the government to be in the hands of Catherine, and of her friends. These were principally of the reforming party, to which she then inclined herself,' and this had become more numerous than had been known or anticipated. The first

8

cidingly with former councils, and especially in all such things as articles and professions of faith, I believe every Catholic must consider him to be infallible, and obey him as such, or will become a heretic whenever he adopts a contrary opinion.

7 Laboureur states, that the Catholic party accused her of leaning to the side of heresy; and that if she was not inclined to it, she feigned it well; but that she suffered herself to be instructed and governed by the duchess of Montpensier, a princess of great talents, infected with this venom, who died in August 1561; and that she was also led to it by the duchess of Savoy and the viscountess Rezes.' Lab. Castel. v. i. p. 283.

Castlenau's description of its progress is interesting, as that of an adversary and a statesman who was contemporary with what he deli

BOOK

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edicts had a peaceful and neutralizing tendency," and a conference was held on the disputed points." With the new year the royal permission was granted for the exercise of the Protestant religion," and a peaceful interval for the fair progress of whatever

neates: A great portion of the lords and nobility of the kingdom was of this party, and favored the new religion; as, the king and queen of Navarre; the prince and princess of Condé; the admiral Chastillon. his brother D'Andelot, colonel of all the French infantry, and the cardinal Chastillon. The duke of Nemours, peer of France, and the duke of Longueville, were their friends. The chancellor de l'Hopital was wholly favorable to them, and many bishops, whom the pope excommunicated. Besides these, the other magistrates, minor officers, and people of all ranks, who were inclined to this religion, were in greater numbers than was thought.' p. 69.

6

To this statement we may add from Laboureur, also an enemy, that the advantage of letters was on the side of these religionists, who for this reason, and from ignorance, and from the libertine and dissolute life of many even of the highest of the clergy, circulated the poison of their bad doctrine.' p. 275. But what must be the true character of that power and system which could seek to destroy such a mass of the most noble, the most intellectual, aud of so many of all the other conditions of life, as pestilential heretics?

For the past, une generale abolition.' It was expressly forbidden 'de s'injurier ny mal faire sous ombre de religion.' Preachers were not to excite to sedition; neither public nor private assemblies were to be held, and only the Roman religion was to be exercised. The whole was provisionally remitted to a general council. Castlenau, p. 68.

10 This was 'le Collogue de Poissis,' of which Castlenau, who was one of the active diplomatists of that day, states the issue to have been, that it only occasioned those who heard it, and others, to doubt about their faith. He thinks that discussions favor heresies, and that it is best, like the Mussulman, and the czar of Muscovy, to prohibit all disputations on religion. p. 73. The Romish church afterwards adopted this Mussulman policy, as we have already remarked in our previous note in ch. XV. vol. 3.

"It was made 17th January 1561, permitting Protestants to exercise their religion outside of towns, and without arms, enjoining all to se comporter modestement. Castel. 75. The parliament awhile resisted it, but after three royal commands agreed to legalize it. The effect was, 'The ministers preached more boldly; some in the fields; others in gardens, or in old halls and buildings, or barns, because they were forbidden to build churches. The curious people flocked thither from all sides. The sermons were in French, and usually began on the abuses of the church, which no prudent Catholic would defend. But they proceeded to invectives, added prayers to their sermons, and then sang the Psalms in French rhymes, with music and fine voices.' p. 76.

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should be right and reasonable, was quietly gliding 12 CHAP. to the mutual improvement of all; 13 but the French hierarchy were most deeply and personally interested to disturb this social harmony, from its increasing results to themselves." Unfortunate violences at Vassy began a tempest of evil which shook France, and involved other kingdoms in Europe in quarrel, danger and suffering.' The reformed party would

15

12 Castelnau's criticism on the French reformed clergy is: 'If they had been more grave, and more learned, and of better life, or the greatest part of them, they would have had more followers. But they chose at the outset to blame all the ceremonies of the Roman church, and to administer the sacrament in their fashion, without preserving the moderation which many Protestants observe; as those of England and Germany, who have retained the names of curates, deacons, sub-deans, canons and deans, and wore surplices and long robes, which led the people to an honorable reverence.'

13 Castelnau observes, that these opponents induced the Catholic bishops, and other ecclesiastics, to take more care of their flocks and duties; to study the Scriptures, a l'envy des ministres Protestans,' and to preach oftener. The jesuit and mendicant orders went thro the towns and villages, and private houses, exhorting every one against the Protestant doctrine, p. 78. Exertions like these must have been serviceable to the general advancement, and neither party ought to have been allowed to go beyond this mental competition. It was unfortunate for human welfare that the sword of violence should have been resorted to

One single fact, mentioned by Henault, sufficiently implies what consequences would have ensued as to the temporal wealth and power of the French papal church, if reforming ideas had spread wider, or gained more proselytes. 'Charles IX. published fresh letters patent in 1561, to compel all the beneficed clergy in the kingdom to give in an estimate of the income of their livings; but these letters were revoked.' Hen. Abridg. p. 413. We here see the real cause of all the Romish hostility to Protestantism. It was because it led to a diminution of the worldly advantages of the possessioned church, that it was so severely attacked by the existing possessors.

15 The French statesman's account of this event, which brought on all the conflicts that followed, as the duke of Guise often told it to him, comprises these circumstances. On 1 March 1562, the duke of Guise went to dine at Vassy, where about 700 Protestants, of all ages, were listening to a sermon in a barn. Some of his officers, curious to hear it, went to the door, when some words began. . Those keeping the door threw stones, and called the duke's people papists and idolaters. His followers came up. The congregation came out, and both sides fought. He went from his dinner to appease the tumult, and with his cloak parried the stones thrown at him. The issue was, that several MOD, HIST. VOL. IV.

L

BOOK 11.

18

16

not believe it to have been accidental: and as the king of Navarre had been allured to desert them, and to unite with the Guises and the constable,' they dreaded the effect of such a menacing coalition, and treasonably surprised and occupied the city of Orleans." On this intemperate violence, an immediate persecution was too eagerly began at Paris against them, and they unwisely resolved to have recourse to arms; a massacre of their friends by some soldiers at Sens, completed their excitement,* and the court revoking the edict in their favor, and calling out the gend'armerie," they burst into insurrection and possessed themselves of many places, astonishing the government by their numbers, power and successes.22 The papal nuncio pressed for their extermination before they became

19

20

of the Protestants were killed, and, as he said, to his great regret. p. 82. This is the relation of the chief actor. The representations of the sufferers made it a designed attack, with a large massacre; and terminated all peaceful confidence between the two parties for several generations.

16 Castelnau, 28. The pope's legate had managed 'fort dextrement' to bring this about. He allured the king with hope that Spain would restore him the kingdom of Navarre if he became Catholic, and with the threat, that if he did not, he would lose the succession to that of France, as Julius II. had deposed the ancestor of his wife. ib. 79. 17 Castel. 85. This was done by D'Andelot. It contained a great number of Protestants. ib.

18 Their places of worship, without the walls of Paris, were burnt down. Some ministers were killed, others imprisoned. Many elsewhere were arrested to intimidate others, and several were terrified into conversion. Castel. 85.

19 They met at Orleans, and chose Condé for their chief, who accepted the office. Besides the nobility before mentioned, Castelnau mentions on their side the count de Rochefoucault, and the noble families of Rohan de Bretagne, de Genlis, de Montgommerie, Grammont, Soubise, Morey, Piennes, and many other lords. p. 86, 7. 20 Ib. 89. This was imputed to the cardinal Lorraine, who was the archbishop of the place. ib.

21 Ib. 90. The troops were ordered to be ready by the 15 May, and commissions were issued to levy infantry, and appointing captains. 22 Castel. 90.

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stronger;" reconciliation became every day less CHAP. practicable; and the civil warfare raged with alternate success. The king of Navarre fell in besieging Rouen for the Catholic party," but the battle of Dreux, tho producing the balancing advantage of the commanders-in-chief of both forces being taken prisoners by their opponents, yet giving by that event the supreme command of the Catholic forces to the abler duke of Guise, occasioned them to derive from it all the fruits and effects of an inspiriting and strengthening victory.25

So the queen mother declared. Castel. p. 92. He was the cardinal de Ferrara. p. 96. On 22 July 1562, sir N. Throckmorton apprised the lords of the council, from Paris, that the pope hath lent these, his champions and friends, 100,000 crowns, and doth monthly pay besides 6000 soldiers. Forbes' St. Pap. 2. p. 4. Such was the disposition of Spain to the same cause, that sir Thomas Chaloner, on 1 May 1562, wrote from that country, 'They devise how the Guisans may be assisted by them, esteeming for religion's sake, that the prevailment of that side importeth them as the ball of their eye.' Haines' St. Pap. p. 382. Lord Leicester's letter of 30 October intimates, that if Elizabeth had assisted earlier, it might have safely defended.' ib. 155.

24 Cust. 106-8. He was wounded 19 October, and died 17 Dec. 1562 ib. The Duke of Guise took the city. Castelnau was there. The English letters, in Forbes' State Papers, 117-127, describe many incidents of this siege. It was taken 26 October. p. 143.

25 See before, p. 16, note 57. The Catholics had 16,000 men, and the Protestants but 12,000 men. Castel. 125. Sir N. Throckmorton described the conflict at length in his despatch to the queen on 3 January. The prince resolved to pass the Dure at Dreux, and the constable and duke of Guise moved to prevent him. The battle began at noon, and lasted till night. The admiral led the vanguard, and defeated the battalions of the constable, who was shot in his lower lip with a pistol, and taken prisoner. The prince then charged the duke's division, and was taken. Our ambassador praised highly the conduct of Guise, 'Surely he behaved himself like a great and valiant captain. He may challenge to himself that day's victory, for his footmen remained lords of the field, and kept their place. He encamped over the dead bodies. Albeit, the admiral, with his force, went not far from thence that night.' Throckmorton saw the battle, and retired to Nogent, but was detained and sent to the duke, with whom he had several conferences, which he describes. Lett. in Forbes, 251-9. After the battle the comparative forces were, "The admiral had better than 5000 horse, and not past 2000 foot very evil armed. The duke has 3000 horse, and 16,000 footmen.' ib. 259.