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BOOK 11.

ordered to search carefully for her secret correspondence; but she had previously burnt all but two ciphers, which they transmitted to the cabinet.s

The sensation, from the undefined hints which got abroad, that something unknown was in agitation, occasioned the queen to send for those noblemen to court, to whom any doubtful circumstances applied. The duke of Norfolk, the earl of Arundel, the lord Lumley, and her own lord high-steward, the earl of Pembroke, were the first she summoned." Norfolk, instead of attending her at Windsor as she desired, pleaded an ague as his excuse for delaying immediate obedience for four days; 10 but inconsistently with his pretext of a disability from indisposition, went off into Norfolk to his castle at Kennynghall, from whence he addressed to the queen an epistle, half excuse, half complaint;" and to the

bury's dislike to have a partner in this charge. I perceive also non facile patitur æqualem.' p. 530.

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Lett. 27 Sept. p. 532. Lett. 29 Sept. p. 537. At Wingfield, one day, she consumed with fire very many writings.' ib. Elizabeth, on 1 October, answered them, We see it very likely that either you dealt not with such coffers, as wherein her writings were, or else that she has burned them all, as you guess. But you shall do well to require of her the letters which were sent to her about Easter last, signed by the earls of Pembroke and Leicester, which they both confess they sent to her by the bishop of Ross.' Haynes, 539.

9 Her letters to Arundel and Lumley are in Haynes, p. 529, 530. In August some insurgent movement was attempted in Suffolk, for Cecil then informed Norris' a lewd varlet motioned a number of light persons to have made a rout, in manner of rebellion, to have spoiled the richer sort; but the matter was discovered.' Cabala, 155.

10 Dating from Howard House, 22 Sept. he informed Leicester and Cecil, At my coming hither I found myself disposed to an ague, to avoid which I took a medicine yesterday, whereof I am afraid to go into the air so soon; but within four days I will not fail to come to the court accordingly.' Haynes, 527.

6

"His apology for withdrawing was, that hearing of her displeasure, he thought no way so good,' to give a token of my sorrowful heart.' His complaint was of her mistrust. When we recollect Catena's disclosure concerning this duke's secret conspiracy with the pope and

XXVIII.

secretary, another promise to be with them in the CHAP. ensuing week. His object probably was to ascertain, thro his friends, how far his practices had become known, before he ventured to undergo any questioning about them, that he might shape his answers accordingly. Elizabeth answered his palpable evasion and manifest inconsistency, by a peremptory command for his immediate attendance, and censuring his apprehensions of any danger from her if he knew there was no cause." 13 He still lingered. He was too conscious how much he was really implicated, not to dread a possible discovery from the researches of the awakened cabinet.15

14

But

Ridolfi, we cannot but feel that he was playing the part both of a pathetic and of a solemn hypocrite to Elizabeth. A nipping to my heart! That I, which knew my own faithful fidelity to your majesty, should now become a suspected person! I, your poor subject, who never, I take the Almighty God to witness, had ever one only thought against your highness, your crown, or dignity!' Lett. 24 Sept. from Kenynghall. Haynes, 528. How easy some minds can combine the most sacred protestations with conscious untruth!

12 It is singular, that to such a man as Cecil he should declare he was too ill to go from London to Windsor, and then travel more than double the distance to Kenynghall. Yet he again states from Norfolk, I have had this night a fit of an ague. So soon as I may, without peril of further sickness, which I trust her highness would not wish me to increase by over sudden journey, I shall wait upon her majesty, and that before Monday or Tuesday next at farthest. Kenyng. Sept.' Haynes, 528.

13This we command you to do upon your allegiance; and as you mean to have any favor showed you by us, who never intended to minister any thing to you, but as you should in truth deserve.' Lett. 25 Sept. 1569. Haynes, 529.

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14 Cecil wrote to him on the 28th Sept. recommending him, as a friend, to come. ib. 533. And on 3d October thus spoke of him to sir H. Norris: He is now on his way, whereof I am glad-whom of all subjects I honored and loved above the rest; and surely found in him always matter so deserving.' Cabala, 157.

15 His letter, on the first of the preceding July, to earl Murray, contains some passages which, tho unintelligible without Catena's account, become comprehensible when connected with it, and confirms its accuracy. In this he mentions his union with Mary as a certain tho a secret thing. 'To return to that you desire to be satisfied of-my marriage with the queen your sister-I must deal plainly with your lordship, as

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II.

BOOK the queen would allow no hesitation,16 and he submitted himself to the interrogation. The government had, however, detected nothing but his intended marriage with Mary;" all beyond this was only a vague mistrust of something brooding, which no specific information occurred to elucidate. Yet it was thought expedient for the diminution of the obscure danger, to commit the duke to the Tower. 18 Elizabeth then little knew from what an impending peril she unconsciously released herself by this cautionary confinement. The arrest of this main leader

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my only friend; that I have proceeded so far therein as I, with conscience, can neither revoke that that I have done; nor never do mean, while I do live, to go back from this that is done.' A further paragraph visibly alludes to the pope's plan of Mary's being put on the throne of England, and thereby uniting the two crowns, and restoring popery. 'My very earnest request to you is, that you will proceed herein with such expedition, as the enemies to this good purpose against the uniting of this land into one kingdom in time coming, and the maintenance of God's true religion, may not have opportunity, thro delay given them, to hinder our pretensed determination.' These enemies, which he says, 'will be of no small number,' were Elizabeth and her Protestant nobles and people. Another sentence is a comment on Catena's assertion, that molti di primieri Protestanti concorrevano,' in this conspiracy, and that the maggior parti di nobili si conguinsero insieme, et per lor capo il duca de Norfolk presero.' p. 114. For the duke writes, You shall not want the furtherance in this enterprize of the most part of the noblemen of this realm; whose faithful friendship in this cause, and all my other actions, I have to my contentment sufficiently proved.' Haynes, p. 520. The coincidence of the two passages is so exact, that they would almost seem to be transcripts of each other; but that this was impossible.

16 See her more determined letter of 28 September 1569, in Haynes 553. On 1 October, she informed Shrewsbury: As for the duke of Norfolk, we understand certainly this day, that he is coming quietly hitherward, wherein he has chosen the better way to shew his obedience, for otherwise the world should have seen some effects of that authority which God hath given us.' Haynes, 538.

17 This was all that the cabinet mentioned in the official letter they sent to the counties, to quiet the alarm that was spreading on the news of his arrest. See it in Haynes, p. 531.

18 Haynes, 540. The duke wrote from the Tower, on 19 Oct. to the council, intreating their favor. Haynes, 551.

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XXVIII.

and intended king, disconcerted for that time the CHAP. formidable conspiracy.

The other lords obeyed their summons; were interrogated, and gave their individual answers; 19 but altho future evidence shewed that they were then concerned in the unknown plots, yet their secret dealings were still undiscovered, and nothing was elicited from them beyond the intended marriage.20 The conspirators, as the king of Spain had remarked, were so faithful and guarded, that no further information was obtained." The bishop of Ross, a principal in the hatching treason, was also as ineffectually questioned.22 Northumberland and Westmoreland were then sent for; 23 but, instead of attending, happily for Elizabeth, from the apprehensions of their own consciousness of guilt, were hurried by their personal alarms, and by the contrivances and persuasions of others, either too frightened, or too

See the questions in Haynes, 534, 5; and the answer of Pembroke, p. 535-541, of Lumley, p. 536.

Lumley was questioned on 29 Sept. if he had not been at the Spanish ambassador's, but he baffled this inquiry, by admitting that he had been only once, and for the recovery of a debt of 1,100%. which the lady Cecilie oweth unto him;' and that Ridolfi was privy to it, as a party to the debt.' Haynes, p. 537.

"The examination of Pembroke, who was the lord high steward, leads us to recollect Catena's intimation, that an 'intendimento' had been established, nel palagio e guardia d'Elizabetta.' p. 118. We learn from Cecil's letter of 3 Oct. The queen hath been also grievously offended with lord Leicester; but considering that he hath revealed all that he saith he knoweth of himself, her majesty spareth her displeasure the more towards him.' Cabala, 157.

"The examinations of this prelate, and of sir Nicholas Throckmorton, on 10 Oct. shew that the government had then traced nothing beyond the project of the marriage. They are printed in Haynes, 541-8. Nor was more obtained from Cantrel, the duke of Norfolk's servant. ib. 548-550.

"The queen's letters to them are dated 10 Nov. 1569, from Windsor Castle, Haynes, 552; and on 14 Nov. she desired from some vague perception that cautionary measures were become necessary, the earl of Cumberland to make himself ready to withstand and suppress all unloyal attempts of any person in those parts.' ib. 553.

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BOOK sanguine to judge soundly of the wisest conduct, into an instantaneous revolt.24

II.

They had secretly concerted that forces from Scotland, and also from the duke of Alva, should have met them at Hartlepool, when the preparations for their insurrection should be complete.25 But being stimulated by the papal emissaries," they rushed from that undermining hypocrisy, which is always dangerous, by spreading conspiracy in its unseen paths, with more treacherous effect; and advanced to Durham in daring and palpable rebellion." The suddenness and audacity of the explosion implied such a confident certainty in the means of its support, that the queen and her friends could not at first measure the possible extent and progress of its consequences. 28 She had, with provident sagacity,

24 Northumberland was roused by a fictitious disturbance in the dead of the night, by some too eager partisans, and led to believe that a party was advancing to apprehend him. The earl, trembling, rose out of his bed, and withdrew himself to his lodge, and the next night to Branspeth, an house of the earl of Westmoreland, where many, not ignorant of the matter, were assembled already.' Camden, Eliz. p. 114.

25 Camden, 114. Lord Westmoreland informed the spy constable, 'that the duke of Alva had in readiness all the ships he had made of late, and had stayed all others that came within his reach, in order to carry men and horses into England. The earl knew this to be true, because Scotchmen had come to Leith, where ships had been thus detained, and who had stolen away on foot, and sailed from other places.' Const. Lett. 12 January 1570. Sadler, p. 112.

26 Camden says, 'Nicholas Morton, priest, stoutly thrusting them forward.' p. 114. We shewed from Sanders, in note 58 of the foregoing chapter, that Pius V. had sent this man to England, to incite the nobility to a revolt.

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Here they tore the Bible in pieces, overthrew the communion table, and called upon the people to take their parts in behalf of the Romish religion. Elizabeth's letter in Haynes, 555. She also remarks that one of these earls has already so wastefully spoiled his own patrimony, as he will not let to spoil and consume all other men's that he may come by.' 556. But this previous dilapidation of his estate, which made him more accessible to a corrupt conspiracy, unfitted him to support his rebellion.

28 We see this in the language of Elizabeth to her northern general:

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