city comes at once into sight. Between this mountain and the city was a deep and contracted ravine, then as now used as the place of burial, studded with the whited walls of the sepulchres erected to the prophets, and referred to by Christ as emblems of the Scribes and Pharisees, hypocrites, which did indeed appear beautiful outward, but were within "full of dead men's bones and all uncleanness," Luke xxiii. 27. north; St. Stephen's gate, that opens towards the eastern ravine; Zion gate, upon the hill of the same name; and the gate that leads towards Bethlehem and Jaffa. The other gates are now walled up. They are all formed of pointed arches, with an entrance tower, but have little sculptural decoration. On the outside it is possible to walk all round the city, close to the walls.Hardy's Notices of the Holy Land. MONEY. The city was defended in the weaker parts by a triple wall; and towers, monuments, and palaces proudly presented themselves in every direction. On the THE preacher, who was king of Jeruopposite side of the valley, the hill of salem, tells us that "A feast is made for the city rose perpendicularly near five laughter, and wine maketh merry: but hundred feet, and was built up with money answereth all things," Eccl. x. 19. immense stones, some of which measured We who have been born and brought up twenty-three yards square. The temple in a commercial country, and have seen, stood upon the summit of this precipice, that not only the necessaries, comforts, and our Saviour being raised a little and embellishments of life are to be had above it, would be able to look over for money, but that all which is skilful in its walls into the courts by which it was handywork and profound in intellectual surrounded. We are told that Herod researches are frequently put in motion had employed ten thousand men during by the same exciting cause, can easily the space of eight years to strengthen, subscribe to the truth of the wise man's restore, and enlarge it. It was at this saying, that "money answereth all time of greater extent, though perhaps things." In China, where honours are of less exquisite workmanship, than it professedly conferred upon literary merit had presented at any earlier period. It alone, and where every candidate for a had a portico of white marble, the public appointment must have distincolumns of which were each of one guished himself by his learning and castone, and forty-four feet long. It had pacity for business, money is often indisnine gates covered over with silver and pensable to soften the conflict among the gold, and another that was still more several parts of the machine of commerprecious, made of Corinthian brass. The cial transaction, as well as to give the parts that were not gilded were beau- necessary impetus to its movements. tifully white, so that it appeared at a For, if the natives tell us truly, the man distance like a mountain of snow. It who has toiled long and successfully in was covered in front with plates of gold, his studies, may sometimes sigh in vain and when the sun shone upon it, and for the seal of merit, unless he has money lighted it up into glory, it was impossible to unlock the understanding and heart of to look at it from its brightness; and the examiners, and office is seldom obit then shadowed forth the Deity that tained without a large expenditure. The was worshipped within, "whom no man Chinese are fond of representing in their hath seen or can see.' scenic exhibitions the case of a young man, who, from the low abodes of poverty, is raised, through his desert only, to places of great authority and trust. But, however pleasing this may be to "" examples teach the people, that money and merit must go together. The Jerusalem of modern times is not the city of the Scriptures, any more than that it is built upon the same spot. The walls are of hewn stone, about forty feet high, and without any mole or but-contemplate in theory, the majority of tresses. They have battlements, and have long and narrow embrasures, with projecting towers, at irregular distances, of the same form and height. Some of the stones are very large, and were probably used in the ancient city. The gates through which there is admittance are four in number: the Damascus gate, that opens towards the plain on the Daily experience nearer home shows what a weight money gives to the character of an individual: his opinion, advice, and example, seem in their importance to bear an important relation to the magnitude of his income. If the evidence could be fairly sifted, very few of us would be found guiltless of having done homage to, or respected the person of the rich at some period of our lives. And this we did, not perhaps from the hope of gain, or from any selfish feeling, but from some instinctive bias, that led us to it when we were least aware. A spontaneous leaning towards the men who have their portion in this world must arise from some conviction in our own minds, that the acquisition of wealth often takes place through the exercise of skill, perseverance, economy, and other qualities, which are estimable in their proper places, while we forget that it is sometimes bequeathed to the unworthy, and at others extorted by the engines of cruelty. But if our hearts incline us to love the wealthy, because God has filled them with his hid treasure," nothing is more certain in experience than that men hate the avaricious. The world has long since expressed its contempt and hatred for a man of this sort, by calling him "the miser," or "the wretch." St. Paul tells Timothy that "the love of money is the root of all evil; which while some coveted after, they have erred from the faith, and pierced themselves through with many sorrows," 1 Tim. vi. 10. If, then, the possession of wealth has a tendency to make us respected in the sight of others, we are sailing between two rocks: : on the one side, we are in danger of being disliked, if not hated, for our avarice; on the other, we run the risk of falling into many foolish and hurtful lusts which drown men in destruction and perdition. As, then, the power to get wealth is the gift of God, let us guard against the sin of grudging, and the snare of pride, by bestowing our property to succour the destitute, to reward the industrious, and to advance the cause of God and truth at home and abroad. It is commonly a doctrine in that code of political economy which many of us carry in our minds, that money is the representative of wealth or property: so many circumstances have tended to convince us of the truth of this, in a commercial country, that we are scarcely prepared to admit even a modification of our views. But a little reflection would be sufficient to persuade us that some correction is necessary. Now, if, by the application of machinery, or the increase of a greater degree of industry, a yard of cloth, which at any former period sold at a shilling, now sells at sixpence, | my shilling is, in one particular, worth exactly double what it was before. If all the productions of the soil, and manufactured necessaries of life, were increased in the same proportion, one hundred pounds would be worth two, or the value of money be exactly doubled. Money, then, is not a correct representative of property, seeing that while the quantity remains the same, the value or the quantity of goods it can purchase is subject to variation. If money increased as goods increased, so that the same article should always be sold at the same price, then and then only would it form the proper representative of wealth. There is another view of the subject which seems to be not only true in theory, but very useful in practice: it is this: the value of money, while the quantity in circulation remains the same, varies as the skill and industry of a nation. The truth of this position has been brought home to the writer by several things that have fallen under his notice in the course of his travels. At Macassar he found the people very poor, if a judgment might be formed from their houses and apparel, and apparently in need of all things that comfort or ornament the life of man. It seemed but a natural inference, that being so, they would be glad to do any thing to earn something to better their lot. But this was far from being the case with them; few would condescend to labour for him, or to sell the merest trifle of curiosity but at an exorbitant price. The reason of this was to be found in the absence of shops and stores well furnished with various kinds of manufacture: so that a native might fairly say, if he had any money to spare after he had made. a scanty provision for satisfying the calls of nature, "What is the use of it? nobody has any thing to sell at a cheap rate that I care to buy." There was but little industry and no skill among the common people, and, consequently, money had little or no value among them. In China, where the people employ their wit and their hands most assiduously in the making of a vast assortment of useful and ornamental articles, the case is very nearly reversed; for, to use a common phrase, a Chinaman will do any thing for money. It will purchase him so many things that are desirable, that he is willing to labour for a small recompence, when a greater is not to be obtained, and to part with any thing vend ible at the smallest amount of profit. A halfpenny of our money is reducible in value to four or five pieces of the copper currency of that country, each of which has a recognised value in the countless variety of manufactured items that are intended to supply the wants or delight the eye and the taste of the poor, as well as the rich. In Macassar, money is of little value among the natives, because there is no love of labour, no ingenuity; in China money is of greater value, because these praiseworthy qualities belong to the people in their highest perfection. In the island of St. Helena, a workman receives six shillings, where he would not receive more than three in this country; and as this is a fair index of the general state of things, money in that settlement is not more than at half its value in the mother country. In connexion with this fact, we heard the strongest complaints made against the idleness and want of enterprise among the natives. Ships that put in for refreshments on their way home from India and China, are obliged to pay enormous prices for a very scanty supply. We call St. Helena a rock, either from guess or hearsay, but the interior is very beautiful, and the soil of a maximum fertility. Much of it lies waste, without any culture, because the inhabitants are deficient in skill and activity to turn these advantages to a proper account. There is another instance to illustrate our doctrine, namely, that the low value of money is dependent upon the low state of industrious exertion. The writer and his companions met with a circumstance that surprised us in a place that in outward appearance reminded us of home, which was this-that a penny and a halfpenny are of the same value. We had just left China, where the minute divisions of money are so thoroughly appreciated; here, under the shadow of our own vine and fig-tree, the people, in a way of bargain, did not seem to know that the whole is greater than one of its parts. This showed that money was of little value, otherwise the natives would not have confounded things so different, in a commercial acceptation, as the whole with the half. In Borneo Proper the people use iron money, which has no stamp, so that every man may have a mint in his own house. About a hundred of these were supposed to be worth a Spanish dollar, and a rare bargain it seemed to be when a man exchanged a stamped piece of silver for a lot of such ugly mishapen things. If such things deserved to be called money, the complaint would be, not that they had too little value in the market, but that it could not be well defined, and so made it impossible that there should be any accuracy or nice adjustment in the transactions of buying and selling; whereas in China the quantity to be sold is nicely estimated by weight, and the sum to be paid, to the smallest fraction, exactly settled before the bargain is concluded. In China, the meanest person in traffic is a man of business; in Borneo Proper, the lower orders are all children in this respect. In the former, they understand the value of money; in the latter, they have no correct ideas on the subject. It may be remarked that the goods exposed for sale looked as sorry as the money that was to purchase them. It could not be said, then, that money was valuable among them, even in a relative sense. We see, then, that the value of money is a very fair index of the state of industry among the natives of any country: where it is considerable, there the people are active; where it is inconsiderable, or ill-defined, there the powers of ingenuity and labour are seldom called into action. It is this industry that creates the value of money, and forms the grand capital, the exhaustless treasure-house of a nation. Let the labouring man know that his ability and his willingness to work, is the principal and the essential element in the prosperity of his country. It is the praise of Protestant Christianity, that it renders its followers ready to work in body and mind, and so renders them good patriots, as well as useful men and women to themselves and their friends. If money gives an impulse to industry, it becomes the instrument of good; but when employed in riot and extravagance, it is the cause of unspeakable evil; for it is seldom squandered away without a proportionate loss of right principles and moral feeling. C. T. L. BENEVOLENCE EXPANSIVE. A MAN that does good to none but himself is a hateful encloser. He empales God's bounty, by usurping a strict propriety in those blessings which he intended for the common relief of mankind.-King. ENGLISH HISTORY. ELIZABETH. Ir is impossible to clear Mary from being an accessary after the fact, if she did not participate more directly in the murder of Darnley. Two days after the event, a placard was publicly set up in Edinburgh, charging Bothwell and others with having committed the murder with the queen's assent. Bothwell was then accused of the murder by Lennox, Darnley's father, in due form of law; who demanded that he and others might be brought to trial. The queen could not refuse this; but would not allow Bothwell to be taken into custody. She even suffered him to sit at the council, which directed that his trial should take place in sixteen days; a space of time evidently too short for previous inquiry, and needful preparation. He appeared on the day fixed for his trial, with many armed followers, and a military attendance, which effectually outbraved the administration of justice. Lennox did not venture to appear against such a powerful opponent upon such short notice; therefore he made no attempt to prosecute the charge, but one of his dependents attended to offer a protest in his name. Two days after this mockery of justice, the queen selected BothMARCH, 1840. well to carry the sceptre before her in a procession to the parliament house. An application to grant Lennox a longer space to prepare the requisite evidence was refused, though strengthened by a letter from Elizabeth, who urged upon Mary the necessity of acting with such sincerity and prudence that the world might be convinced of her innocence of this enormous crime. Mary's ambassador at the French court gave her similar advice; even there, strong suspicions of her guilt were entertained, and openly uttered. Bothwell was allowed to proceed with impunity; many of the nobility, awed by his retinue, consented to sign an address recommending the queen to take him for her husband, though he was married to a sister of the earl of Huntley. He then pushed forward in his guilty course. Attended by a body of horse, he surprised the queen, according to a plan preconcerted between them. She was conveyed to the castle of Dunbar, where she consented to marry Bothwell, whom she promoted to be duke of Orkney. Bothwell then procured a divorce for himself; the sentence being founded on an accusation presented by one of his agents in the name of his wife, accusing him of adultery. The banns for his marriage with the queen were published; but the H officiating minister, named Craig, at the same time boldly declared his abhorrence of such a union, for which he was threatened. On May 15, just sixteen days after the divorce from his wife, and little more than three months from the murder of the king, Bothwell was publicly married to the queen at Edinburgh! Such profligate proceedings could not fail to excite general disgust and alarm. Bothwell endeavoured to get possession of the young prince; but the nobles formed an association to prevent this, and to punish Bothwell. Forces were levied on both sides. The nobles were the strongest; Mary was compelled to dismiss her new husband, and to surrender herself a prisoner. She was conveyed to Loch-leven Castle, where she was required to resign the crown to her son, and to consent to the appointment of Murray as regent. The young prince was proclaimed by the title of James vi., and crowned at Stirling soon afterwards. Although no proofs of a direct concern in her husband's murder were brought forward against Mary, yet her connexion with Bothwell gave countenance to the accusation, while the embittered feelings arising from party feuds and the persecutions by the Romanists, caused her subjects to unite against her. Elizabeth interposed in her favour, so far as to prevent severer measures; but though she directed her ambassadors to remonstrate, and threaten the confederates, it was obvious that she could not desire that Mary should be enabled to proceed with her schemes against the Scottish Protestants, and the queen of England. The confederates therefore retained her in captivity, and enforced her resignation of the crown. Bothwell took refuge in the Orkneys, where he fitted out some vessels and committed acts of piracy. In an engagement with a Norwegian vessel, he was taken prisoner, his life was spared, but he was confined in a dungeon where he lingered ten years, latterly bereft of his senses. A servant whom he sent to Edinburgh to bring away his papers before his flight, was taken; upon him was found a silver casket, which contained letters written by Mary to her paramour, the genuineness of which is allowed by every impartial writer: they clearly prove that she had at least connived at the proceedings against Darnley. In May, 1568, Mary escaped from Loch-leven by the contrivance of the brother of the keeper, who was led from his duty by her arts and flatteries. She was immediately joined by some of the nobility, especially those attached to Popery, when she retracted her resignation; and efforts were made to place her again on the throne. After some negociations with the regent, the earlof Murray, recourse was had to arms. The Popish archbishop of St. Andrews was one of the leaders of the queen's forces. The hostile bands came into collision at Longside, where Mary's supporters were soon vanquished and fled. She rode sixty miles, without stopping, to Dundrennon Abbey; being then in terror lest she should be overtaken, she determined to proceed to England, against the advice of her attendants, who well knew the unjustifiable manner in which she had countenanced those who supported her claims to the English throne. Lord Herries persuaded her to send first to the governor of Carlisle to inquire whether he would protect her; but too fearful, and too impatient to wait a reply, she embarked in a fishing boat and landed at Workington, in Cumberland, from whence she was escorted to Carlisle. On her landing she wrote to Elizabeth, requiring protection and support. Her unexpected arrival placed Elizabeth in a difficult situation, increased by the English queen being then so seriously ill, that her life was despaired of. Prayers were publicly made for her recovery; they refer to sufferings of mind as well as body. The higher the rank, and the more ample the possessions, usually the more painful are the impressions which harass the mind when danger appears at hand. The public apprehension was much increased by looking on a Papist charged with the blackest crimes, as the presumptive heir. It was necessary to pursue to its close the narrative of Mary's unhappy reign in Scotland: we will now look back to some other events connected with the early years of the reign of Elizabeth. One of her principal cares was to improve the coinage, also to proportion the national expenditure to the revenue. The regular sources of income were from the customs, then usually called tonnage and poundage; also from fines, the crown lands, and part of the rents of wards or minors, with the first fruits and tenths from the ecclesiastical bene |