thwarted by an arrangement to which it refuses to be a party. England, therefore, and her three allies, of which the most powerful, Russia, is altogether opposed to her general policy, have to achieve the task of appeasing angry France, and subduing the indignant and resolute Pasha of Egypt, and wheedling or frightening him, if they can, into the relinquishment of Syria; while England has to see that in the general confusion Russia does not find means to establish her influence in Turkey. We trust that in the mercy of the Providence of God, the misunderstanding between France and England will be amicably adjusted, and that our jealous neighbour will feel it her policy (we would not rely too much upon her abstract good-will) not to encourage the Pasha to stir up a general war, which would be a severe affliction to Europe, Africa, and Asia, and the ultimate issues of which no man can predict; nor, upon the whole, do we for one moment doubt that some mode of "pacification" will be discovered and agreed upon; for it were insane either for England or France to rush to warfare. Their respective journalists, and men of talk, may indulge in inflammatory declamations; but the statesmen, and men of business on either side, and all Christians and lovers of mankind, must deprecate such an issue. Besides the higher question of humanity and the horrors of bloodshed, war would be to England, as a commercial nation, and not particularly prepared at this moment for warlike operations, a fearful calamity; and still more so to France in her unsettled condition, and with several competitors for her throne; for though the wild and ill-contrived attempts of Prince Louis Napoleon to effect a new revolution in favour of the Bonaparte family have strengthened rather than weakened the reigning dynasty, yet Bourbonism, Napoleonism, and republican ism, are not extinct, and dreadful would be the struggle for mastery if the elements of confusion were once let loose. We hope, therefore, and believe, that there are sufficient barriers on all sides to prevent a petulant outbreak of war; but we think her Majesty was not well-advised in speaking of the quadruple treaty as aiding this object.

The allusion to China is still more unsatisfactory. England, not China, was the aggressor; our Indian authorities caused opium to be cultivated for the Chinese market; and British merchants smuggled it into the country; all the parties concerned knowing it to be

a contraband article. No European power would have tolerated such proceedings; and why should China? We can only pray that it may please God to bring good out of evil; and to render the pending hostile proceedings a means of opening that sealed country to useful knowledge and Christian intercourse; though, alas, the abused name of Christian has been identified with cupidity and fraud, and rendered suspected and hateful.

Her Majesty next adverts to domestic proceedings. Of the Irish municipal corporation act she merely says, that she has gladly given her consent to it. As the Act stands it is not all good or all evil. It requires a bonâ fide £10. rating, estimated by the rating for the poor; thus preventing the perjured ratings which have disgraced the parliamentary registrations; Mr. O'Connell in consequence calls it "An insulting and degrading measure." But it weakens the influence of Protestantism, and, where Popery is paramount, will throw the aggregate of municipal strength into its hands. Still we would hope that if Protestants, instead of shrinking from the contest in despair, will unite their efforts zealously and perseveringly, but with wisdom and conciliation, for the election of suitable town councillors, they may do much towards mitigating the evils justly dreaded from the measure.

Her Majesty next adverting to the Cathedral Bill, says, "I trust that the law which you have framed for further carrying into effect the Reports of the Ecclesiastical Commissioners will have the beneficial effect of increasing the efficiency of the Established Church, and of better providing for the religious instruction of my people." The measure being now the law of the land, it were worse than useless to re-open the painful controversy which attended its progress; we will, however, extract the substance of the speeches of the Archbishop of Canterbury and the Bishop of Winchester upon the question of the second reading in the House of Lords, as embodying some of the principal arguments for and against it."

The Bishop of Winchester said, that if the Right Rev. Prelates who concurred with him in opposing this Bill thought that its effects would be (as Lord Melbourne said) to increase the efficiency of the Church, and to rivet its claims upon the affections of the people, neither they, nor the deans and chapters, nor the great body of the clergy, would be found among the dissentients to its provisions. But it was

precisely in order to increase the affections of the people to the Church, that he now asked their lordships not to consent to the second reading of this Bill. Many of his Right Rev. Friends, indeed he believed the majority, objected to the measures recommended by this Bill. It wanted also the authority of the Universities, both of which had petitioned against it; it wanted likewise the authority of the great body of the clergy. Not fewer than twenty-two of the Cathedrals had addressed that and the other house of Parliament in decided opposition to the Bill. There were the old and the new foundations-the old, consisting of prebendaries residential; and the new, of prebendaries residential and non-residential. The residential prebends varied in number; in some cathedrals there were as many as twelve prebendaries, while in the others there were only four, and the total number in the kingdom was 204, all of whom had regular daily attendance and duties to perform at the cathedrals. The number of non-residential prebendaries was 340, and their only duty was to preach a sermon occasionally in the course of the year. The property consisted of property proper, as estates, houses, &c., and of tithe impropriations which had sometimes been given in exchange for real property. This Bill proposed to suppress the prebends not requiring residents, and to reduce those requiring residents to four in each cathedral, adding one each to London and Lincoln, in order to make up the four. The Bill also dissolved all corporations of minor canons; but to this he did not so much object, as the canons had given their consent. The effect of the provisions of the Bill would be, to abolish seventytwo prebendaries residential, and 317 non-residential, reducing that class of preferments from 600 in number to 130, giving only one in five years to each diocese, whereas at present there were on the average one and a half in each year to each diocese. The Bill would therefore take away little less than half the emoluments now attached to cathedral establishments, such was the sweeping character of this Bill; and nothing but the most absolute necessity could justify their lordships in passing such a measure. A well-digested system of remuneration would be far preferable to the proposed reduction. The chief ground advanced in support of this measure was that of expediency; but he was prepared to meet it upon that point he denied the expediency of this mode of supplying the acknowledged destitution of the Church. Was it at

the crisis when we were most in need of learned clergymen-when, in consequence of the increase of population and the diffusion of knowledge, it was necessary for those who were the teachers of the people to take a high stand, and to take the lead in the march of intellect was it at such a moment as this that their lordships would impair, weaken, and well-nigh destroy the nurseries of learning? He well knew that this Bill did not annihilate cathedral establishments, but he contended that it would go far to impair their usefulness. The connexion between cathedral institutions and the maintenance of sound theology was very close, and he believed, if their lordships passed this Bill, there would be occasions in succeeding generations to lament the loss of those institutions to which we owed our Hookers, Porteuses, and other lights of the Church. It would be impossible, from the materials contained in this Bill, to provide a fund sufficient to supply the deficiency which was admitted to exist; and even if it were possible, out of such materials, to supply the destitution, then he should maintain that the parochial clergy would not willingly exchange their present fair expectation of advancement in the Church for the small additional pittance which this Bill would give. The question hinged on the consideration, how far the State had a right to interfere with the property of the Church in the way of re-distribution. It was a question for authorities, and the preponderance of authority was against the proposed interference. He considered the Bill wanting in principle in its subversion of ancient institutions which had not ceased to be of service. Again, he complained of the acknowledgment in the Bill of the justice of resuming free gifts which had been made for ever, and that resumption not being by the representatives of the donors. What right had the Bill to deal with property given for ever, not by the State, but by individuals? If their lordships agreed to pass this Bill, they must sanction the principle that property given for cathedral service may be applied to parochial service. There could be no greater mistake than to suppose that this was a question between the deans and chapters on the one hand, and the Ecclesiastical Commissioners on the other. It was a question in which the interests of the whole Church and State were vitally and materially concerned, and he trusted that their lordships would so regard it in the decision which they were about to give.

The Archbishop of Canterbury agreed

with the Right Rev. prelate who had just sat down that this Bill involved principles of great importance both to the nation and to the church, and in rising after the very eloquent speech which had been made, and which appared to have produced a considerable impression upon their lordships, he felt some difficulty in undertaking to justify the Bill. At the same time, he must say that it had not in the slightest degree shaken his opinion. His opinion was, that if their lordships should unfortunately determine to throw out the bill, the results will be more or less disastrous to the church, not only by the sacrifice of great opportunity of doing good, but by disappointing the expectations which were raised throughout the nation, with respect to the management of this part of the church property. This was to be but the completion of the system originated by the Ecclesiastical Commissioners, in obedience to the commission directed to them by the Crown. The attention of the commissioners had been directed by the terms of the commission, in the first place, to an equalization of the revenues of the bishops, by making such an arrangement of Episcopal property, as to diminish the frequency of translations, and entirely to prevent the necessity of commendams. Their lordships had passed a bill transferring the property of one bishopric to another, and therefore he might say that this principle had received their sanction. Another point to which the attention of the Ecclesiastical Commissioners had been directed was, to curtail pluralities; and, in compliance with that direction, the undue accumulation of preferments in the hands of one individual, which had been the disgrace of the church, had been removed, and parishes had, in many instances, recovered the right of having clergymen resident on their benefices. And now this was the third point to which the attention of the commissioners had been directed, namely, to consider the state of the several cathedral and collegiate churches in England and Wales, with a view to the adoption of mea. sures conducive to the improvement of the condition of the Established Church, and to secure the best means of providing for the cure of souls, having especial reference to the residence of the clergy on their respective benefices. The object of this bill, and that which had engaged the attention of the commissioners, was the great destitution which prevailed in so many parts of the country of the benefits of religious instruction, of pub

lic worship, and of pastoral care. It might, perhaps, be necessary to state to their lordships, in some degree, the great destitution which now prevailed, and it would then be for them to say whether there was no necessity for a remedy. In London there were four parishes with an aggregate population of 166,000 souls, having churchroom only for 8208, and only eleven clergymen for that number. In twentyone parishes there were 799,000 and odd persons, and only church-room for 6000 odd. In the whole of London and its suburbs, on both sides of the Thames, a population of 1,157,000 persons had church-room only in the proportion of one to eleven, and only seventy-five ministers for such a number of people. Nearly the same destitution prevailed in the diocese of Chester, where, for 816,000 persons in thirty-eight parishes, there was not church-room for 100,000; and in York, with 402,000 persons, there was churchroom for only 29000. Throughout the country altogether there was a variation in the want of church-room from one in eight to one in thirty. This was a miserable state for the country to be in, and it was proper that some measure should be devised for its relief. Now, what were the means which the commissioners proposed to provide? They were not by the destruction of the cathedrals, but by the suppression of the number of the canonries, amounting, among the canons residentiary, to seventy-two; at the same time taking care to retain a sufficient number of canonries for the due performance of the Church service, and making provision for as good sustentation as had heretofore existed-if not better-of those magnificent fabrics. He thought that with a dean, four canons, and a certain number of minor canons, making altogether eight or nine clergymen to perform the service daily throughout the year, with the obligation of one sermon or two sermons every Sunday, there was no danger of the service not being properly carried on. With respect to the non-residentiary canonries to be abolished, they must always be considered as sinecures, for what was the duty of preaching one sermon in a cathedral once a year? It would be absurd to talk of them otherwise than as sinecures. He had placed before their lordships the destitution that prevailed throughout the country. remedy this destitution it was required of the cathedrals and chapters to make some sacrifices. In gross numbers there were 3,000,000 of their fellowChristians in the country who were in

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a great degree destitute of all kind of pastoral superintendence, religious instruction, or religious worship; and it was the object of the bill to remedy this great evil, by giving power to a commission to suppress certain endowments, improperly called sinecures, and to suppress certain non-residentiary canonries, which to all intents and purposes were sinecures. Was the interest of 400 clergymen to be set against the destitution of millions? He would argue the case of the chapters and others affected by the bill on suppositions the most favourable towards those institutions. He would assume that the parties had done the duties so as to leave no ground for complaint, and that all the appointments had been filled up with men of eminent piety and learning, and that learning and that piety employed in the service of the Church. (A noble lord here made an allusion to Bishop Hooker.)

never

Hooker's exertions were prompted by so low a motive as the obtaining a canonry. Where was the probability of country clergymen ever obtaining such places of preferment? The greater number never thought of such an event. If he looked at those who were most learned as theologians, he found there were very few in the possession of canonries. The destitution was great, and one of the arguments against the proposed measure for relieving that destitution, was the alleged smallness of the funds which would be realized. The funds might be small at the beginning, but they would in the end be found to be considerable. Everything must have a beginning, and it ought to be borne in mind that there was a great deal in example. If the Church found even small funds in the beginning, that might be the means of drawing supplies from other sources. The example of the Church would draw further assistance; he believed it would also prove of advantage by inducing the State to lend a helping hand. It had been urged by those who opposed the bill, that it was the duty of the State to provide for the spiritual wants of the people. He was of the same opinion; but, at the same time, he said to the Church, "Begin yourselves; first do something yourselves, and then apply to other sources." That was the language of the illustrious Duke (of Wellington); the same expressions had fallen from Earl Grey; the same language had also been held by Sir R. Peel. Those who opposed the bill said the bill afforded a ruinous precedent. But he

would ask, what would be the effect of rejecting the bill? The circumstance of the spiritual destitution of the people had been alluded to by all as an intolerable evil. What would be the consequence, even to the Church itself, if so many persons were allowed to remain in alienation from the Church who had no benefit from her ministrations, because there was no property available towards the payment of ministers? He thought much good would be effected by the passing of the bill, and that the evil would be extensive if it were not passed, The appointment of a commission to look into the matter, had done good; by their means sinecures would be abolished, and upwards of 30,000l. from five bishoprics, through livings held in commendam, were all set loose for the advantage of other clergymen, who might now look up to those preferments. He had been informed, by one well acquainted with the matter, that much good had already been effected in the public mind; in particular, the mercantile body of London, who recently believed that the Church would do nothing, had their feeling quite changed, and they were quite willing to assist the exertions of those members of the Church who were actively engaged in remedying the public spiritual destitution.

The Queen speaks, in conclusion, with sanguine hope of Canada and the West Indies. The conduct of the emancipated negroes has been excellent.

The recent decease of Dr. Jenkinson, Bishop of St. David's, has been followed by that of another right reverend prelate, Dr. Otter, Bishop of Chichester. Dr. Otter was a man of considerable talent, of a devout spirit, and of remarkably amiable-perhaps too yielding -character. As an author he was known chiefly by his three publications in defence of the Bible Society; in one of which he says: "The object of the Society's triumph is beyond all comparison, and above all praise; it is the word of God, and the power of Godthe pearl of great price,' which the merchant in Scripture is said to have purchased at the expense of all he possessed the fountain of all true wisdom -the book of eternal life. To have contributed, in the smallest degree, whether in support of the principle, or in aid of the practice of this Society, will ever be to me a source of pleasing reflection, full of that joy which no man taketh from me while living, and pregnant with a hope, which will not, I trust, desert me when I die,"