CHAPTER XVII

THE RUSSIAN

FROM 1840 to 1920-a period of 80 years-3,437,121 SOcalled Russians came to this country. The great majority of these were Russian Jews, who are not real Russians. In fact, some authorities say that less than ten per cent, others less than five per cent, of our so-called Russian population is real Russian. The Russian Jews come mostly from the "Jewish Pale of Settlement" in western Russia. In 1920 there were still here 1,334,021 whose mother tongue was Russian, Lithuanian, and Finnish. Eighty-six per cent of the immigrants were men. This shows that the vast mass that came here during eighty years has not increased, but on the contrary has decreased one-half. The half that is left is largely these Russian Jews. They are a large part of the 3,320,000 Jews in this country.

The Russians who have come here include Ruthenians, who are employed in the lowest kind of work in the mines and factories of America. These are physically strong because they come from Russian farms, but they are ignorant and poverty stricken to the last degree and always have been so. Practically none of them understand Americans or American institutions, and it would be expecting too much to expect them to have the slightest conception of American political institutions. Few of them become naturalized, and it is said that practically all hope to return to Russia where the environment suits their habits and inclinations. They are not necessarily Bolsheviki, but their isolated position in the United States renders them easily hostile to all government, on the theory that all government is oppressive and any change would improve their condition. They do not and never will cut any figure in America, except as hewers of wood and drawers

of water, and except as food for agitators. Ninety per cent of the Russians work in the mines and industries.

Strange to say, Russia and America have always been close friends, though the former has always been a despotism, the latter a republic. Catherine of Russia refused to assist George III to put down the American Revolution. When England favored the South in the Rebellion of 1861, Russia favored the North. Two Russian fleets suddenly appearing, one in New York harbor, the other in San Francisco, and remaining a summer and winter during that war, were significant and eloquent in its effect on England and France, who were thinking of recognizing the South as an independent nation and then intervening. Schlesinger, professor of history at Harvard, says, "At a critical time in the war (September, 1863) one Russian fleet visited New York and another San Francisco, with sealed instructions to place themselves at the service of the United States in case of foreign intervention." Adams says that at that time in England "at least four out of five of the ministry and members of Parliament, and almost the entire court circle, were strong sympathizers with the Confederacy."2 In 1867 Russia sold the whole of Alaska to America for $7,200,000-a nominal price. A few years ago America fed the starving millions of Russia but without recognizing its Bolshevik government. It is the traditional policy of both governments to remember the friendly past and continue it in the future.

But there can be no substantial mingling of the two races. The differences are too great. The Russian does not and never will be a part of the composite American, but this is no reason why the two great nations should not draw together again, especially as now both tolerate no privileged classes, although differing fundamentally as to how sovereignty shall be exercised. The present Russian government continues because the peasants fear their land will be retaken by the former owners and the peasants themselves again reduced to practical servitude.

Fortunately the Russian in America looks homeward and finds little that is congenial in this country. He will return to Russia. Meantime Bolshevikism has been of incalculable benefit to America. It has rendered the red flag innocuous. The utter ruin and desolation of Russia today is the death blow to socialism in America. We can now work out gradually, legally and intelligently, the difficult problem of how to preserve American institutions.

CHAPTER XVIII

THE POLE

NEARLY two and a half millions of those whose mother tongue is Polish are among us, including those of mixed parentage, according to the census of 1920. Over a million of these were born in Poland. A very large proportion of them are Jews how many the census does not disclose. Fox said in 1920 that 95 per cent of the immigration at that time from Poland was Jewish. The pure Poles in America are scattered. Formerly they took to farming; now they are found more often in the mines and metal manufacturing cities. As Orth says, they are very clannish and "The recent Polish immigrant is very circumscribed in his mental horizon, clings tenaciously to his language, which he hears exclusively in his home and his church, his lodge, and his saloon, and is unresponsive to his American environment. Not until the second and third generation is reached does the spirit of American democracy make headway against his lethal stolidity." 1

Of course the Pole does not understand American institutions. He understands freedom of opportunity, however, very well and knows that in some way or other American institutions protect him in his liberty and religion, which is nearly always Catholic. The Pole is generally peaceful, law abiding, and industrious. He comes from an oppressed race, but under all its repression there was always a spirit of nationality and hope. The American Pole has little intention of going back to Poland. He does not rise to intellectual heights and leadership and is a very doubtful asset, except industrially. Professors Park and Miller say: "The Polish immigrant is arrested within his community. He shows

little tendency to participate in American life and institutions, is hardly ever seen in our colleges and universities, shows notably little public spirit, remains on a relatively low level of efficiency, and contributes heavily through crime and poverty to the burden of the American state." 1

The Poles who have come here have respect for government. Their sons have not much respect for anything. This is not peculiar to them but it is true also of certain other races. The Polish children in the cities are very difficult. If anything displeases them, it is the fault of the country; never their fault. Their ethics are apt to be no ethics. They require a strong hand. They don't care to learn about American institutions. Their sole idea is to get as much as possible and do as little as possible.

The lower strata of Poles in the great cities are not good citizens. Altogether the Polish contingent is of very doubtful value, so far as American institutions are concerned.