Court the project or draft of a treaty, No. 4.* He did so, but after much time, and when pressed by France, who insisted that we should all conclude together, he was instructed to sign a definitive treaty in the terms of the Provisional Articles. Whether the British Court meant to avoid a definitive treaty with us, through a vain hope, from the exaggerated accounts of divisions among our people, and want of authority in Congress, that some revolution might soon happen in their favor; or whether their dilatory conduct was caused by the strife of the two opposite and nearly equal parties in the Cabinet, is hard to decide. Your Excellency will observe, that the treaty was signed at Paris, and not at Versailles. Mr Hartley's letter of August 29th, and our answer, will explain this. His objections, and indeed our proceedings in general, were communicated to the French Minister, who was content that we should acquiesce, but desired that we would appoint the signing early in the morning, and give him an account of it at Versailles by express, for that he would not proceed to sign on the part of France, till he was sure that our business was done. The day after the signature of the treaty, Mr Hartley wrote us a congratulatory letter, to which we replied. He has gone to England, and expects soon to return, which for our parts we think uncertain. We have taken care to speak to him in strong terms, on the subject of the evacuation of New York, and the other important subjects proper to be mentioned to him. We think we may rely on his doing everything in his power to influence his Court to do what they ought to do; but it does * See above, p. 195. not appear, that they have as yet formed any settled system for their conduct relative to the United States. We cannot but think, that the late and present aspect of affairs in America, has had and continues to have, an unfavorable influence, not only in Britain but throughout Europe. In whatever light the Article respecting the tories may be viewed in America, it is considered in Europe as very humiliating to Britain, and therefore as being one, which we ought in honor to perform and fulfil with the most scrupulous regard to good faith, and in a manner least offensive to the 'feelings of the King and Court of Great Britain, who upon that point are extremely tender. The unseasonable and unnecessary resolves of various towns on this subject, the actual expulsion of tories from some places, and the avowed implacability of almost all who have published their sentiments about the matter, are circumstances, which are construed, not only to the prejudice of our national magnanimity and good faith, but also to the prejudice of our governments. Popular committees are considered here, as with us, in the light of substitutes to constitutional government, and as being only necessary in the interval between the removal of the former and the establishment of the present. The constitutions of the different States have been translated and published, and pains have been taken to lead Europe to believe, that the American States, not only made their own laws, but obeyed them. But the continuance of popular assemblies, convened expressly to deliberate on matters proper only for the cognizance of the different legislatures and officers of government, and their proceeding not only to ordain, but to enforce their resolutions, has exceedingly lessened the dignity of the States in To this we may also add, that the situation of the army, the reluctance of the people to pay taxes, and the circumstances under which Congress removed from Philadelphia, have diminished the admiration, in which the people of America were held among the nations of Europe, and somewhat abated their ardor for forming connexions with us, before our affairs acquire a greater degree of order and consistence. Permit us to observe, that in our opinion, the recommendation of Congress, promised in the fifth Article, should immediately be made in the terms of it, and published, and that the States should be requested to take it into consideration, as soon as the evacuation by the enemy shall be completed. It is also much to be wished, that the legislatures may not involve all the tories in banishment and ruin, but that such discrimination may be made, as to entitle the decisions to the approbation of disinterested men and dispassionate posterity. On the 7th instant we received your Excellency's letter of the 16th of June last, covering a resolution of Congress of the 1st of May, directing a commission to us for making a treaty of commerce, &c. with Great Britain. This intelligence arrived very opportunely to prevent the antiAmerican party in England from ascribing any delays, on our part, to motives of resentment to that country. Great Britain will send a Minister to Congress, as soon as Congress shall send a Minister to Britain, and we think much good might result from that measure. The information of M. Dumas, that we encouraged the idea of entering into engagements with the Dutch, to defend the freedom of trade, was not well founded. Our Congress; nor did we even think or pretend, that we had authority to adopt any such measures. We have reason to think that the Emperor, and Russia, and other commercial nations, are ready to make treaties of commerce with the United States. Perhaps it might not be improper for Congress to direct, that their disposition on the subject be communicated to those Courts, and thereby prepare the way for such treaties. The Emperor of Morocco has manifested a very friendly disposition towards us. He expects, and is ready to receive a Minister from us; and as he may either change his mind, or may be succeeded by a prince differently disposed, a treaty with him may be of importance. Our trade to the Mediterranean will not be inconsiderable, and the friendship of Morocco, Algiers, Tunis, and Tripoli may become very interesting, in case the Russians should succeed in their endeavors to navigate freely into it by Constantinople. Much, we think, will depend on the success of our negotiations with England. If she should be prevailed upon to agree to a liberal system of commerce, France, and perhaps some other nations, will follow her example; but if she should prefer an exclusive, monopolizing plan, it is probable that her neighbors will continue to adhere to their favorite restrictions. Were it certain that the United States could be brought to act as a nation, and would jointly and fairly conduct their commerce on principles of exact reciprocity with all nations, we think it probable that Britain would make extensive concessions. But, on the contrary, while the prospect of disunion in our councils, or want of power and en apprehensive of retaliation, and consequently lose their principal motive to liberty. Unless, with respect to all foreign nations and transactions, we uniformly act as an entire united nation, faithfully executing and obeying the constitutional acts of Congress on those subjects, we shall soon find ourselves in the situation in which all Europe wishes to see us, viz. as unimportant consumers of her manufactures and productions, and as useful laborers to furnish her with raw materials. We beg leave to assure Congress that we shall apply our best endeavors to execute this new commission to their satisfaction, and shall punctually obey such instructions as they may be pleased to give us relative to it. Unless Congress have nominated a Secretary to that commission, we shall consider ourselves at liberty to appoint one; and as we are satisfied with the conduct of Mr Franklin, the Secretary to our late commission, we propose to appoint him, leaving it to Congress to make such compensation for his services as they may judge proper. Count de Vergennes communicated to us a proposition, viz. herewith enclosed,* for explaining the 2d and 3d Articles of our treaty with France in a manner different from the sense in which we understand them. This being a matter in which we have no right to interfere, we have not expressed any opinion about it to the Court. With great respect, we have the honor to be, Sir, your Excellency's most obedient and most humble servants, JOHN ADAMS, B. FRANKLIN, |