Congress; nor did we even think or pretend, that we had authority to adopt any such measures. We have reason to think that the Emperor, and Russia, and other commercial nations, are ready to make treaties of commerce with the United States. Perhaps it might not be improper for Congress to direct, that their disposition on the subject be communicated to those Courts, and thereby prepare the way for such treaties. The Emperor of Morocco has manifested a very friendly disposition towards us. He expects, and is ready to receive a Minister from us; and as he may either change his mind, or may be succeeded by a prince differently disposed, a treaty with him may be of importance. Our trade to the Mediterranean will not be inconsiderable, and the friendship of Morocco, Algiers, Tunis, and Tripoli may become very interesting, in case the Russians should succeed in their endeavors to navigate freely into it by Constantinople. Much, we think, will depend on the success of our negotiations with England. If she should be prevailed upon to agree to a liberal system of commerce, France, and perhaps some other nations, will follow her example; but if she should prefer an exclusive, monopolizing plan, it is probable that her neighbors will continue to adhere to their favorite restrictions. Were it certain that the United States could be brought to act as a nation, and would jointly and fairly conduct their commerce on principles of exact reciprocity with all nations, we think it probable that Britain would make extensive concessions. But, on the contrary, while the prospect of disunion in our councils, or want of power and en apprehensive of retaliation, and consequently lose their principal motive to liberty: Unless, with respect to all foreign nations and transactions, we uniformly act as an entire united nation, faithfully executing and obeying the constitutional acts of Congress on those subjects, we shall soon find ourselves in the situation in which all Europe wishes to see us, viz. as unimportant consumers of her manufactures and productions, and as useful laborers to furnish her with raw materials. We beg leave to assure Congress that we shall apply our best endeavors to execute this new commission to their satisfaction, and shall punctually obey such instructions as they may be pleased to give us relative to it. Unless Congress have nominated a Secretary to that commission, we shall consider ourselves at liberty to appoint one; and as we are satisfied with the conduct of Mr Franklin, the Secretary to our late commission, we propose to appoint hìm, leaving it to Congress to make such compensation for his services as they may judge proper. Count de Vergennes communicated to us a proposition, viz. herewith enclosed,* for explaining the 2d and 3d Articles of our treaty with France in a manner different from the sense in which we understand them. This being a matter in which we have no right to interfere, we have not expressed any opinion about it to the Court. With great respect, we have the honor to be, Sir, your Excellency's most obedient and most humble servants, JOHN ADAMS, B. FRANKLIN, Congress; nor did we even think or pretend, that we had authority to adopt any such measures. We have reason to think that the Emperor, and Russia, and other commercial nations, are ready to make treaties of commerce with the United States. Perhaps it might not be improper for Congress to direct, that their disposition on the subject be communicated to those Courts, and thereby prepare the way for such treaties. The Emperor of Morocco has manifested a very friendly disposition towards us. He expects, and is ready to receive a Minister from us; and as he may either change his mind, or may be succeeded by a prince differently disposed, a treaty with him may be of importance. Our trade to the Mediterranean will not be inconsiderable, and the friendship of Morocco, Algiers, Tunis, and Tripoli may become very interesting, in case the Russians should succeed in their endeavors to navigate freely into it by Constantinople. Much, we think, will depend on the success of our negotiations with England. If she should be prevailed upon to agree to a liberal system of commerce, France, and perhaps some other nations, will follow her example; but if she should prefer an exclusive, monopoli probable that her neighbors will continue to favorite restrictions. Were it certain that the United State 223 : knowledge their obser robable ad such treaties ress upon the of causing satips and goods to Bergen, and e United States leprived of any stly acquired by e been informed, thousand pounds however is dededuction which ess have a sincere is Danish Majesty, between his sub s, on terms which bnations. That it this claim should on of bis Danish Sonable expectaanswered; acdirected, after said claim to founded, to ly to accept be prevailed FROM CONGRESS TO THE COMMISSIONERS. October 29th, 1783. By the United States in Congress assembled. To the Commissioners of the United States of America at the Court of Versailles, empowered to negotiate a peace, or to any one or more of them; 1st. You are instructed and authorised to announce to his Imperial Majesty the Emperor of Germany, or to his Ministers, the high sense which the United States in Congress assembled entertain of his exalted character and eminent virtues, and their earnest desire to cultivate his friendship, and to enter into a treaty of amity and commerce for the mutual advantage of the subjects of his Imperial Majesty, and the citizens of these United States. 2dly. You are instructed to meet the advances and encourage the disposition of the other commercial powers in Europe for entering into treaties of amity and commerce with these United States. In negotiations on this subject, you will lay it down as a principle in no case to be deviated fro:n, that they shall respectively have for their basis the mutual advantage of the contracting parties on terms of the most perfect equality and reciprocity, and not to be repugnant to any of the treaties already entered into by the United States with France and other foreign powers. That such treaties shall, in the first instance, be proposed for a term not exceeding fifteen years, and shall not be finally conclusive until they shall respectively have been transmitted to the United States in Congress assembled, for their examination and final direction; and that, with the |