that these classes ought to be exempt- ters under the most grinding tyranny. ed from proper control. Several of It was now for the servant to comtheir best qualities of heart render it mand, and the master to obey. As the the more essential for them to be un- former might be pleased to dietate, the der due restrictions. With the idle, latter was to discharge or retain his phlegmatic ass, we have scarcely any workmen, to send his goods to marthing to do, save to dig at his flanks ket, and to conduct his business gene. to urge him forward ; but the mettle- rally. This was not sufficient, and the some, high-spirited horse requires a combinations thought it their interest different mode of management. With to place such labourersas did not bethe latter, we have but little need of long to them, under the same tyran. the spur, but we cannot possibly do ny; no man was to be suffered to work without the bridle.

and eat, when it was their pleasure The language employed by the Eco- that he should be idle and starve. As nomists was, of itself, sufficient to pro- the authorities of the realm could not duce combinations of the worst cha- well be employed to enforce all this, racter. These people represented that the combinations became the adminicombinations were even laudable, and strators of their own laws. They murthat they could scarcely ever produce dered and maimed without mercy ; evil; they asserted masters to be ty- the masters were deprived of the conrants, and they led the labourers to trol of their property ; various trades believe that it was impossible for thein were stopped and grievously injured, to demand too high wages. According and a loss was occasioned of many milto them, the Combination Laws only lions. Perhaps Mr Brougham remarkexisted to gratify the cupidity of the ed this inverted state of thing, and masters, and to enable them to en- thought the terms masters and serslave and hunger their workmen. They rants, could not be used with any proled the servants to place themselves on priety; he ought, however, to have an equality with the masters, and to called the labourers, the employers. think that there was as much depend- The figure which Mr Hume and ence on the one side as on the other; the host of economic writers cut upon they said almost everything that could this, was irresistibly ludicrous. They breed animosity between the two class- were spinning round upon their knees es. Their anxiety to destroy the obe- from one combination to another, and dience of the one, and the authority imploring them, with tears, to act dif. of the other, was most remarkable. In ferently. « Now, do, good, sweet, Mr Brougham's pamphlet on the Edu. dear people, behave better.—You are cation of the People, we think the destroying our characters—you are terms, servants and masters, are never disgracing us--you are knocking up used; it is constantly the working Political Economy: Remember what classes and their employers. We con- we said for you, and do not make storyceive the idea of this to be an impor- tellers of us. Parliament will be after tation from America, and we are very you with a rod-you will be switched sure that it is a useless one. Why are you will be sent to bed supperless the good old English words-servant and we protest we will turn our backs and master, to be 'struck out of our on you !" It was unavailing ; the comlanguage? What have they done? binations were now masters, and were Whose ox have they stolen, and whom not to be dictated to, even by Mr have they defrauded ? They can show Hume. It is due to this individual to as honest, unstained, and respect- say, that the business seems to have able a face, as any words in the dic- given him a slight surfeit of legislationary, and we will not part with them tion; he has blushed divers times, and for any American trumpery whatever. has shown much modesty during the We will have no such innovations. session. The other people who insist

None of this was lost upon the la- ed, in their speeches and reviews, so bouring orders, and no sooner were strenuously on the repeal, have gone the Laws repealed, than combinations, on as usual ; they have gone on dictafilled with the worst spirit, sprung up ting upon public affairs, and calling in all quarters. These combinations for innovation upon innovation, just as soon thought that it was their interest though the repeal had not covered to do much more than to exact the them with shame, and proved them to highert wages possible ; they thought be unworthy of being listened to. it was their interest to place the mas. That these combinations should be



wholly dissolved, if possible, is proved nerosity, and renders them callous to by various most important consider- the sufferings of the servants, when ations.

these really do suffer. It was alleged that the great object The combinations have the effect of the repeal was to make the trade in of raising wages far above the proper labour perfectly free-to give full and figure. They not only enable the serequal freedom to both servants and yant to fix any value he may think fit masters. Well, the first great step in on his labour, but they compel him to Free Trade-in the overthrow of mono- demand considerably more than the polies--has been to place labour under sum which he judges to be necessary a close and gigantic monopoly. It mat- for his maintenance. He must conters not what the masters may be able tribute constantly and largely to the to give—what servants, who do not funds of the combination, and his belong to the combinations, may be contribution must, of course, be taken willing to take what the price of pro- from his wages. The masters are visions and the needs of workmen may therefore compelled to pay large sums be--what labour there may be in the in wages, which are not needed for market-the will of the combinations feeding and clothing their workmen, is to be the only thing to fix the wa- and which are to be employed only in ges. All the things by which these working their own injury and ruin. ought alone to be fixed, are to be They are constrained to furnish every wholly deprived of operation. When farthing of those funds which are only wages form the main ingredient in the employed to rob them of the control price of most articles, it may easily of their property, and to destroy their be conceived how this will affect ge- trade : they are compelled not only to neral prices—when the manufacturer pay their servants for the time in is exposed to the competition of fo- which they employ them, but for the reigners, and is bound to manufacture weeks and months in which these at a certain price, or not at all, it may think proper to do nothing. When the easily be conceived how it will operate master is, in most cases, bound to a on trade.

certain price for his articles, the exorThe master is not, in effect, at li- bitant rate of wages must operate berty to choose his servant; and the powerfully to narrow the quantity of latter is to be chosen, not for his cha- employment, and the demand for laracter and qualifications as a workman, bour. but for his character and qualifica

These combinations destroy all equations as a member of the combinations: lity in sacrifices for the public weal. he is to study to please these combi- The masters have little or no power in nations, and not his employer. Our fixing the rate of wages; they must readers need not be told how pernici- give whatever the servants declare to ously this must operate upon the in- be necessary for supplying themselves dustry, skill, good workmanship, and with bread. As they cannot declaim general character of the servants. Un- against high wages, they declaim der such a system, the very best ser- against the high price of provisions. vants are in the greatest danger of The servants compel them to pay wanting bread, and the very worst much more than is necessary for the have the greatest certainty of always purchase of food, and then they cry having it in abundance.

out that corn is too dear. Of course, The masters and servants are con- those sacrifices which the manufactuverted into hostile bodies. The old rer's competition with foreigners may feelings of reciprocal good-will and re- call for, are not to touch his work, gard for each other's interests, are de- men; they are to be thrown princis stroyed, and replaced by strife and pally upon the agriculturists. These animosity. The servants care not what workmen are to live plentifully, and injury they may do their masters; to have large wages for weeks and they are struggling for their ruin. months of idleness, whatever the masThis goads the latter into the same ter's prices may be; if he cannot make spirit; it makes them refuse to give his customers pay for this, he must anything beyond the amount of the make the farmers and the agricultural bond; it makes them afraid to give labourers pay for it. From the farmgood wages, lest part of the money ers and the husbandry-labourers is to should go to the combination fund; be sponged, in the long run, the moit dries up their benevolence and ge- ney which forms the funds of these VOL. XVIII.


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combinations, and which enables the of the rights of the masters and the town-labourers. to spend weeks and labourers who do not belong to them months in idleness, turbulence, and, the brutal punishments which they too often, crime.

inflict-and the spirit of enmity and In a political light, these combina- vengeance which they keep in action, tions are calculated to yield the great- must operate powerfully to fill the est evils to the empire. The town working classes with contempt for the working-classes of the three kingdoms laws, with disregard for the rights of are, to a very great extent, organized others, and with the worst principles. into a gigantic confederacy. However We care not for what Mr Brougham numerous the combinations may be, may say against the working classes they still, in reality, form only one being dependent on their masters; we body: the army may be divided into care not for the new schemes of eduregiments, but, nevertheless, these cation which are now bewildering the form but one army. This confederacy country; we are very sure that the exists to promote the private and per- working classes of this nation are not, sonal interests of its members only; at present, in a fit state to be indepenand, like most other bodies which ex- dent of their masters; and we are, ist on the same principle, it cares not moreover, quite sure that they never what interest it injures or ruins, pro- will be in such a state. Woe to Engvided it benefits its own. It tramples land, when its labourers shall be so upon law, and the rights of the rest far independent as to be only governed of the nation, to the utmost point pos- by laws! It is essential for the good sible. It not only places the masters of the labourer, as well as for the good under a ruinous tyranny, destroys of the state, that he should be under competition in the market for labour, the authority of his master in respect and stifles emulation among the work- of general conduct as well as labour; men in respect of industry, skill, and that his master should instruct him sobriety; but it emancipates the work- in what constitutes a good member of ing classes from all authority and in- society, as well as in the mysteries of fluence touching moral and political his calling; and that his master should conduct. The labourer's bread is coerce his bad morals, as well as his made to depend in no degree on his idleness and bad workmanship. good morals; however vile a profligate The magnificent edifice which sohe may be, and however pestilentially ciety forms in this country, can only his conduct and principles may ope- stand so long as the different classes rate upon his younger and less expe- which compose it shall be properly cerienced associates, the master has no mented together, and shall duly bind power to discharge him. He must be each other to the proper place and the placed on a level with a man of the proper duty. The lower orders must best character ; he must be protected be cemented to the class next them from everything that might reform they must form its basis, and must

he must be kept to corrupt all have sufficient weight to bind them the innocent youth that come in his to act their part in the support of the way. We need not point out how structure. The foundations are, how- , this must operate on the morals of the ever, now, tearing themselves asunder working classes generally. Many of from the rest of the building, and if the workmen possess the elective fran- this be suffered to reach its complechise, and, generally speaking, they tion, it will not need a prophet to foreare incapable of exercising it properly tel the consequences. The working without advice. The masters are the orders are, in regard to connexion and proper men to give such advice, but control, separating themselves from they are now the last people in the the rest of the community, and estaworld who would be listened to. Their blishing a state of things the most unnfluence is gone; they are now the natural and portentous. This must be

bliged party. The working classes speedily remedied, or it will be bere thus left without proper leaders- yond remedy. If they be not under they are placed in opposition to all the moral government of their masabove them, and they will follow any ters, they cannot be governed at all; demagogue who may adiress them. and if they be not duly governed,

In addition to all this, the combi- they will plunge the nation into ruin. nations, from their perpetual efforts In times of distress our working to violate the laws-their invasions orders generally become furious poli

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ticians. It would be the most easy which is employed against then; their thing imaginable for this immense conscience is pure, their hands are unconfederacy to assume a political cha- stained. As a body, they have always racter, and it would be pretty sure to exercised their authority over their do this, were trade to receive any se- servants in a manner becoming Eng. rious injury. We need not say what lishmen and Christians. Had they the consequences would be, were it to endeavoured to tyrannize as their sera become fiercely actuated by the spirit of vants are now tyrannizing, the country Radicalism. Were these combinations would soon have been made too hot to to proceed as they have done, they hold them. would soon look for other slaves in ad. We exhort the masters to bestir dition to the masters: they would soon themselves to the utmost against the find tyrannizing over the latter very combinations, and to trust less to laws insufficient for protecting what they than to their own efforts. It occurs to call their rights and interests. They us that the adoption of the following are already attempting to rivet their plan would be far more efficacious than chains on the farmers and husband- any law that could be framed. ry-labourers; they would next place Let them change their mode of his commerce under their despotism; they ring; let them hire their workmen no would regulate our imports and ex- longer by the week, or for an unfixed ports, and give us another new system period, terminable on short notice. Let of trade. It is the nature of such them follow the farmer's plan, and hire vicious bodies to keep continually for twelve, six, or three months certhirsting for additional spoils and au- tain. If at the first they be compelled thority, and to be satisfied with no- to hire the whole of their men at the thing

same moment, they must not hire them Setting aside all other matters, if all for the same period, for this would they continue to exist, trade must set them all at liberty together, again perish. Hemmed in by them on the to combine. They must engage some one side, and rival foreigners on the for twelve months, some for nine, some other, the masters must either emin for six, &c. By this plan, only a small grate to other countries, or submit to portion of the workmen would be able ruin.

to strike at the same moment. When It is therefore the duty of every those engaged for the shortest period friend of his country to do his utmost should be at liberty, and should want towards the dissolution of these com- to form a new contract, all the rest binations. The servant has an un- would be firmly bound, and could not doubted right to take his labour to the join them in combining to suspend best market, and to be perfectly free trade and tyrannize over the master. in making his bargain; but the mas- If the master could not agree with ter has an equally undoubted right to them for a new engagement, he could the same liberty. If it be impossible still keep his other hands at their work, to frame laws that will give the exact and engage new ones in the room of degree of liberty to both-that will those who might leave him. He would make the market in labour perfectly likewise be able to get rid of such men free to both seller and buyer-laws as might not suit him. The grand must be framed that will make the principle to be kept in sight, should nearest approaches to it. If it be im- be, to guard vigilantly against more possible to avoid giving a little advan- than a small number of the workmen tage to one of the parties--to avoid being at liberty at the same moment leaving something to the discretion and for the renewal of contracts. generosity of one of the parties--on To illustrate this, we will assume a every principle of reason, experience, master to employ regularly forty workand interest, the masters ought to be All these have left him, and it the favoured party. The servants have is necessary for him at present to rejust given decisive evidence that they engage the whole on the same day, cannot form it without bringing the Let him bind ten to him for a year, most grievous ills upon the state ; and ten for nine months, ten for six months, the masters long did form it, without and the remaining ten for three months. in any way abusing the privilege. The When three months shall expire, ten masters of this country may laugh at of the men will be at liberty, but all the fashionable slang touching tyrants the rest will be bound; the ten free


ones must wait three months before days, no security against their being they can get ten more to join them. believed in. They strike, no doubt, at Let him then hire the whole, as their the vital interests of the empire, but terms may expire, for a year certain they strike more immediately at those By this mode, no more than one-fourth of the masters; and it is the masters of his men could ever strike at once, principally who must render them inand their striking could do him but noxious. We conjure the latter, by little injury:

what they owe to themselves and their Under this system, the wages could country, to make a determined stand be paid in weekly sums as usual : it is in defence of their just rights, and in as applicable to labourers who work by resistance to these fearful innovations. the piece, as to those who work other- We call upon them to insist boldly wise. It will apply to those trades upon possessing that authority over which only employ workmen a part of their servants which they have always the year, for the men could be bound hitherto possessed, which the servant for the season. The masters must be has always hitherto surrendered to far better judges of its practicability them in his contract, and upon which than ourselves, but we certainly think the wellbeing of themselves, the workit a very practicable one. It would, no ing classes, and society, so largely dedoubt, clash with old customs and ha- pends. bits, but these are such as might be It is the authority of the master changed without difficulty. We can- over the general conduct of the sernot see why the mechanics, &c. should vant, which compels the latter not onnot be hired as the clerks, shopmen, ly to labour for à certain number of and husbandry-labourers are hired: if hours, but to do a sufficiency of work, the weekly system were universally and to do it in a proper manner. It adopted, we are pretty sure that the is this authority which compels the combination system would rage as fu- servant not only to do his duty as a riously among the clerks, shopmen, workman, but to do his duty as a mem&c. as it does among Mr Brougham’s ber of society. It is this authority pupils. That the working classes which educates the servant-which would set their faces against such a makes him industrious, active, skilful, system, is abundantly certain, but sober, and honest. To this authority, they might be conquered. The pre- the working classes of Britain mainly sent state of things must be remedied, ove their high character. Let it be whatever efforts and sacrifices the re- destroyed-render these classes indemedy may call for. These combina- pendent-give to the latter the power tions are, in reality, most pernicious, to bind the masters from interfering odious, and oppressive monopolies, and with them in anything beyond a stithey must be dissolved. It is idle to pulated period and quantity of labour say that they will, under regulations, and you will strip the workman of produce good. Their principle is vi- all his valuable qualities. The twelve cious; they exist not for public, but hours per day of labour will soon for private benefit, they seek to benefit dwindle down to seven or eight: the associations of individuals by injuring industry and activity will soon degethe rest of the community. They give nerate into sloth and carelessness: the to these individuals a vast portion of skill will soon sink into ignorance: unconstitutional and dangerous power, the sobriety and honesty will soon which is sure to be generally employ- change into dissipation and knavery: ed to the detriment of the weal of the and the good morals will soon become state.

general depravity. We entreat the masters in this na- The masters are the main agents in tion to reflect deeply upon the doc- maintaining public tranquillity and ortrines which certain political men are der; so far as regards these, they have putting forth in favour of what they a more powerful influence in governing are pleased to call, the independence the nation than the laws and the govern. of the working classes. Although these ment. The uninformed and the wil. doctrines emanate from faction, and ful--the vast overwhelming majority have for their grand object the profit of the population-are distributed in of faction, they are still capable of small portions among them, and each working incalculable mischief. Their master instructs and governs his porglaring falsehood is, alas ! in these tion. What makes the Irish peasanta

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