The people interested in the waterways who had been hurt, being Americans and so not mercurial, did not break into a fury, but pondered. They did nothing but think for four years while the waterway interests languished. Out of the reflection grew the conviction that two things must be done. First.-Congress must annually pass a sufficient appropriation bill for rivers and harbors, the bill to have equal standing on the budget with the bills appropriating for the army, the navy, and the postal service. Second.-Congress must begin to improve the waterways by a comprehensive and systematic plan, putting the most important projects first and placing each on the continuing contract system, originated by Senator Frye, the system by which the Panama Canal is being built. in his tour of the country last October a trip down the Mississippi River from St. Louis to New Orleans. The President was accompanied by several members of his cabinet, Secretary Dickinson, Secretary Nagel, and Postmaster General Hitchcock, and on other boats were the Governors of twenty-seven States and 214 members of Congress, both Senators and Representatives, Speaker Cannon with them. A fleet of steamboats and torpedo-boat destroyers followed the boats of the President, the Governors, and the Congressmen. The steamboats carried delegates from forty-six States to the New Orleans Deep Waterway Convention, where the President made an address. The voyage took nearly five days. Mr. Pinchot was again of the party accompanying the Governors. For more than a week all who read newspapers had to think about waterways development and conservation. A few weeks later came Senator Burton and the members of the National Waterways Commission, all members of Congress, whose European trip had prevented them from accompanying the President's party. One group of these commissioners headed by Senator Burton went all the way down the Mississippi River, from St. Paul to New Orleans; and another group, including Chairman Alexander, of the Rivers and Harbors Committee of the House, went from Kansas City to St. Louis examining the Missouri River. In 1907 the Lakes to the Gulf Association asked President Roosevelt to go down the Mississippi River and look at the conditions himself; and at the same time formally petitioned him to appoint a commission to recommend a general plan of waterway development. He did both, and took with him down the river the members of the new commission, which he called the Inland Waterways Commission. Gifford Pinchot was one of these commissioners, and on that trip down the river he found the opportunity which he has used so wisely. Seventeen Governors of States accompanied the President's party. Mr. Pinchot found them eager to know what There will be legislation, too, upon railthe active and passive conservation measures way rates as they affect river carriers, an exmeant for their States. He told them. Presi- ceedingly important thing. It is suggested dent Roosevelt urged waterway improvement that Congress shall enlarge the powers of and conservation in all of his speeches going the Interstate Commerce Commission, so that down the river, and so did the Governors and it may prevent railways from driving water Mr. Pinchot. All of them spoke to an audience of 5000 delegates at the Deep Waterways Convention in Memphis, and the speeches from St. Louis to the end of the convention inspired more than half a million people directly. An enthusiastic convention of the National Rivers and Harbors Congress in Washington followed and the conference of State Governors to adopt conservation plans was held, enlarging again the conservation influence. President, Taft was persuaded to include lines out of business by making unreasonably low rates between points where there is water competition, recovering loss at the expense of places which have no water competition. This legislation would save the boat lines, but would deprive the cities on the waterways of their natural advantage of situation, and the problem, like all these freight-rate problems, is obscure. The only solution is that the Interstate Commerce Commission should have the power of making all the rates of the railways, and I doubt if the country is ready for that yet. LEADING ARTICLES OF THE MONTH CAN AMERICA PRODUCE MERCHANT SEAMEN? PR ROPHESYING that before another twenty years have passed,-the Panama Canal having been in the meantime completed,-America will own a respectable fleet of merchant ships, "A British Marine Officer" discusses in the Atlantic Monthly the question, "Who will man her ships, American or foreign seamen?" He handles his subject in a thoroughly seamanlike manner; and it is evident throughout the article that, in matters pertaining to "a life on the ocean wave," the writer knows what he is talking about. He describes himself one who has had sixteen years' experience in all classes of British merchant ships, -sail, tramps, and liners.' as 66 It is a well-known fact that "the sea as a profession is becoming more discredited every year, and parents now think twice before allowing their sons to follow it." Even in maritime England, the natural home of sailors, the number of boys choosing the sea as their calling is growing smaller every year: they can do better for themselves working ashore. This is a direct result of compulsory education. As regards a similar disinclination for a seafaring life, among American boys, the Atlantic Monthly writer says: "It is a well-established fact that the labor; ing classes of America are better educated and possess a wider knowledge of things in general than the corresponding classes in any European country." And when one considers the life of an able seaman in the forecastle of a modern freight steamer it is not to be wondered at " that a man even of moderate education does not find before the mast adequate compensation for his learning." It must be admitted that the picture he draws of existing conditions before the mast is sufficiently forbidding: Let us take, for instance, an ordinary freight steamer of about three thousand tons, such as the future American mercantile marine will be chiefly composed of. Vessels of this class carry about six able seamen. The men are usually housed in a room (forecastle), which is situated in close proximity to chain-lockers, paint lockers, and the more objectionable quarters of the ship. The forecastles are usually evil-smelling, badly lighted and ventilated, and privacy cannot be obtained anywhere. The watch-andwatch system prevents sailors from getting more than three and a half hours' consecutive sleep at any time while the ship is at sea. The food is of the coarsest and poorest quality, and the amount allowed per man is just the aid of a stout belt. It is badly cooked and sufficient to keep body and soul together, with badly served, and is usually more fit for pigs than humans. Though the pay, in comparison with shore labor, is fairly good, the work at sea is "one continual round of steering, swabbing, and scaling and painting iron-rust." In time the A.B. may become boatswain, and, "if he still keeps at it, he may eventually reach command." But the "British Marine Officer" thinks it is safe to say that "long behave thrown the sea up in disgust, looking fore he has qualified for boatswain he will upon it in the only way a sane person can, -as a life fit for dogs and fools only." He is also of opinion that as a seaman's life offers no inducement to the average American with an average American education," the future American mercantile marine will be manned chiefly by foreign seamen. Besides, there is no need for the American youth to turn his face seaward. There is plenty of room for him on dry land, and there his possibilities are boundless." A matter of important bearing on this question is the provision of training ships. At present these can be seen “in England, anchored in every harbor or river of importance." They are divided into three classes: cadet, charity, and reformatory ships. The first-named class is for sons of well-to-do parents. In America, if her social conditions remained unchanged, "such institutions as charity and reformatory ships cannot take root." America will therefore have to find other ways and means to increase the number of her native seamen. The fact must not be lost sight of that with the passing of the sailing ship the seaman's life underwent a complete change. Romance and adventure have become things of the past. In place of periods of diversions, when "catching sharks, harpooning dolphins and porpoises, singing, dancing, telling yarns, and reading over old love-letters" could be indulged in, the steamer has nothing to offer. The toil is "soul-killing and mind-destroying; there is no time for study or recreation; singing and dancing are unknown." In port the work of loading or discharging goes on night and day," Sunday or Monday, Christmas or any other day." steamer. No day is held sacred in the modern freight If one felt inclined to worship one's God by attending church it would be impossible to do so. No; the modern sailor must not indulge in such luxuries as a God, a soul, prayers, or Sundays. On the west coast of Africa can be seen ships flying the British flag loading or unloading cargo on Sundays, while in full view can be seen mission stations and churches, with their ministers preaching to a bunch of negroes, exhorting them to remember their Creator in the day of their youth, and to respect the Sabbath and keep it holy. What mockery! Can one blame the sailors when they get ashore for trying to forget their dog's life in debauchery and drink? ica and the lynching of prisoners without due trial. Further we are told: Democracy, as interpreted in America, tends to make Jack believe that he is as good as his master. Well, aboard ship Jack never was, and never will be, as good as his master. Familiarity between master and man can never exist if discipline is to be maintained. . . The TomDick-and-Harry style of addressing men so dear to American ideas of democracy will not hold for a moment. The line of demarcation between the men abaft the mast and those before must be respected. Our writer comes to the conclusion, taking into consideration the lovable cussedness of the native-born American, his absolute contempt for the law and rule by moral force, his very often mistaken notions of true democracy, and the conditions under which the modern steamboat sailormen lives, that there seems little possibility of the American ever being licked into shape as a man before the mast in the present-day freight steamer. Characterizing the negro as a good coastBut the most serious obstacle to the pro- ing sailor, but as a rank failure when on duction of seamen by America, in the view of foreign voyages, and discussing the chances the "British Marine Officer," seems to be of a supply of seamen for our ships from that obedience to those in authority is an England, Germany, and Scandinavia (Norelement sadly lacking in the make-up of the way and Sweden), the three typical mariAmerican character. "Judged from a Eu- time countries, the "British Marine Offiropean standpoint," he says, Americans are cer" sums up his observations with the declathe most lawless people among civilized ration of his belief that the future American nations." The American as an individual mercantile marine will be "manned chiefly seems to demand that his recognition of by Scandinavians and officered by New Engthe law should have the force of a police- land men.". The latter, he says, are "born man's club at the back of it." Reference to command or to hold positions of authoris also made to the forcing of jails in Amer- ity." MODERN STATECRAFT WEIGHED IN THE BALANCE WHY do our systems of government lag He showed the cramping influence of the ills behind in the procession of progress? that beset society or the individual, on the Why does statesmanship fall so far short development of the soul. With his familiar of its real mission? Modern government tendency toward mysticism and symbol, he has rarely been the subject of so severe and made his readers perceive, as in a glass darkat the same time passionless an arraignment ly, what society is and what it might be, as in an article with these questions for its kindling their imagination but leaving them basis which has been contributed to the to work out their own collective salvation Tilskueren (Copenhagen) by Dr. Sigurd as best they could. The son, in the article Ibsen, son of the famous Norwegian poet contributed to the Danish magazine, apand dramatist. proaches the task with the practical eye and purpose of the skilled mechanician who makes his survey and prepares to mend. And he does not lack equipment. As a one-time member of the Norwegian Cabinet he has had his hand on the lever and knows just The elder Ibsen in his lifetime made the shortcomings of society the theme for nearly all the plays that came from his pen during the last twenty years of his activity. But he went at it with the poet's point of view. when and how the machinery of government fails to respond. Science, both abstract and in its application, art, literature, industry, are making constant progress, says Dr. Ibsen. It is out of the question that within these domains development could be towards a more primitive stage. Political changes on the other hand do not always make for advancement. Development in our political systems may indeed be along reactionary lines. Science, art, literature, in what they produce generally afford the highest expression of contemporaneous culture. Political systems, on the other hand, have only exceptionally reached even a relative degree of perfection. In the minds of enlightened people in any age there generally has existed a clear consciousness of what government should be which has been far ahead of the existing practice and has constituted the sole guarantee for future reforms in the methods of government. Then the contrast is presented. How could there have been any substantial advancement in science and in art if the scientist and artist had contented themselves with merely following in the footsteps of even the enlightened layman? Fortunately for art and science, and fortunately for humanity, the writer says, it is the artist and the scientist who set the pace in every reach for higher levels with the rest of humanity following. But in the field of politics one depends upon that consciousness which makes for all progress to grow spontaneously in the lay mind, and it is from such lay opinion all initiative emanates, while those who should be the pacemakers follow often reluctantly. Dr. Ibsen can see the "Kulturkampf " extending into the domain of politics, but declares it would be an error to ascribe this to any exaggerated demands on the part of the governed of to-day. The problems involved are such that they should no longer be regarded as problems. If for all that they are still awaiting solution this fact alone goes to show how imperfect our systems of government are when it comes to pracIn countries that are backward in culture the governed are grateful if the leading men in the state do not commit too many blun tice. fected by modern culture. We had an instance of this last winter when we received the news of the Franco-German entente with reference to Morocco, and it became plain at once that without reason a war cloud had hung over Europe for years which time and time again had threatened to discharge its thunders. For the treaty did not contain a single clause which might not have been agreed upon when the differences first arose. Diplomacy at last had adjusted itself,-to what? To nothing but an order of things that could not in common sense have been otherwise. The European press admitted this, but nevertheless gave vent to eulogy, loud and long, because, as the newspapers said again and again, this latest diplomatic attainment involved a victory for "common sense." If one should venture to felicitate a poet or an explorer on the ground that his attainments give evidence of common sense," I imagine it would be accepted as a very dubious compliment. The slim progress made at The Hague is brought forward as another instance where diplomacy has fallen woefully short of its mission. The desire for universal peace and the propaganda for disarmament never were greater and, yet, at the beginning of the twentieth century the danger of war is not less remote than at any earlier period in the world's history. It is always in the air, as every one might have convinced himself a little while ago when the Balkan imbroglio came near setting Europe afire, though not one of the great powers desired or was prepared for war. what is termed conveniently "the situation," and In international politics we are subjected to we are so accustomed to this that we take it for granted without giving a thought to the fact that it lays bare the weakness of our political would be the verdict on a railroad management machinery in the most pitiless manner. which would permit such an unknown and uncertain quantity as "the situation" to remain a permanent factor in the conduct of its traffic? What Everything that human ingenuity and human foresight can devise is applied for the protection of human life and merchandise in transit. Our age insures itself against chance in every domain. Does it not seem a little topsy-turvy, this notion that when the welfare of an entire nation is at stake one must trust to luck for the issue? Again Dr. Ibsen, applying his method of analysis and his mode of argument to the economic branch of government, weighs modern statecraft in the balance and finds it The product, ders or cause too many costly complications. wanting. All is confusion. In more advanced nations it is regarded as quite through lack of government regulation, has satisfactory if the system of government but established a tyranny over the producer. reflects the average view on governmental wis- Governmental action is limited to "groping dom, harbored by the lay mind. As might be expected, this is most apparent in international social-economic legislation, characterized by politics, the branch which has been least af- the crudest empiricism." The laissez-faire This is in politics this garb of justice and morality is limited to the traditional fig-leaf of respectability. principle obtains everywhere. The trusts are one expression of this demand. Socialism, though sprung from different motives, is another. These, in other respects so divergent movements, may be regarded as two gangs of laborers which, each from its end, is engaged in the task of boring a tunnel through a mountain of governmental stupidity. Dr. Ibsen holds that all imperfections in the existing order of society have their origin in that consideration, not to say reverence, for power which has been implanted in man through centuries of enforced practice and which has made power an object worth seeking for its own sake. In centuries gone by, power sat enthroned, self-sufficient and offering no apology. In these latter days, with the advance of civilization, even power has begun to grow embarrassed with its own nakedness, and is looking about for garments of justice. In international The writer holds that the true aim of statecraft is not to make a nation powerful but to make a people happy. Power he regards as a permanent institution, however. Even History bows to it. Witness her verdict on kings in exile and generals in defeat. There is one feature of Dr. Ibsen's article .that at first glance might be deemed inconsistent with his plea for universal happiness. This is his defense of slavery. It must be acknowledged that slavery was an evil necessary in the interest of culture where industry depended on manual labor alone ard where consequently production was too scant to afford more than a frugal subsistence. For, inasmuch as culture calls for a certain degree of prosperity and the leisure that goes with prosperity, and it is better that culture should thrive with one class than not at all,-it must be regarded as in the interest o progress that one class should be kept down and another class favored at its expense so that at least those privileged few may exercise the functions of history and civilization. Dr. Ibsen announces that he has in view another installment which will contain the outline of a constructive program. SOCIALIST GAINS IN THE GERMAN ELECTIONS THE great Socialistic victories in the recent German elections, in some instances utterly unexpected, form the main topic of discussion both in the general and in the Socialist press of the Fatherland. All sides concede that the increase in the Socialist vote is to a large degree a protest against the burden imposed by the so-called financial reforms which the government forced the bloc in the Reichstag to vote in order that it should be able to build more Dread energy and propaganda. In respect of the efforts put forth by the Social Democratic party none of the bourgeois parties can even distantly approach it. This Socialist success reveals an evil which should provide the Conservatives and National Liberals plenty of food for thought. Is it not terrible that these two parties should not be able to inspire their adherents with the same spirit of self-sacrifice, and with the same sense of their political duty, as the Social Democracy? In every part of Germany where elections noughts. And so we witness a spectacle, very were held, the Socialist gains were marked. rare in Germany, of one of the most popular But the most important elections took place Conservative papers, the Reichsbote, turning in Saxony, Baden, and in Berlin, and it is against its own political leaders and denounc- in those places, therefore, that the results ing the exorbitant budget. It had the alternative of incurring the displeasure of its political protagonists or losing in circulation, and it bravely chose the less expensive of the two evils. However, the budget does not seem to account for all, and the Dresdener Nachrichten, the leading Conservative sheet of Saxony, has this to say by way of explanation and warning: Let us be honest. The great successes won by the Social Democracy are due in the last instance to her splendid organization and tireless appear most striking. In Saxony the Socialists elected twenty-five members to the Landtag. Previously they had but one seat. The Baden Landtag now has twenty Socialist delegates, a gain of eight. The Berlin Socialists added three to their representation in the Prussian Landtag, and almost doubled their vote of last year. The most interesting situation is presented by Saxony, where the plural system of voting was tried for.the first time. This system was designed with a view to keeping down |