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NOTES:-Early Housing of the Poor, 181-Scullery and flection," 191-Heraldic Shield versus Lozenge, 192-Erratum in Taylor's "Life of Christ," 193-Date of Bishop Barlow's Consecration, 194-Peter Jackson, Philip Jackson-Castle Foggles-Lords Danganmore-Cunedda: Ordovices-Picture of Marshal Conway, 195-Cheshire Wesleyans-Hodmondod, 196-Nathan the Composer-Scottish Regiments-Plea for Book-buying-Tennis-Court-Erskines of Chirnside-Dewdrop-Offal, 197-Chinese Junk in the Thames-Mahdi Marriage Custom at Whitburn-Parent of Pleasure Canoes, 198. NOTES ON BOOKS:—Forman's Keats's "Works"-Coutts's Taylor's "Marriage Ring"-"Northamptonshire Notes and Queries" -Brownson's "Works". -Greenhill's Browne's "Religio Medici." Notices to Correspondents, &c. Notes. THE EARLY HOUSING AND TREATMENT Considering the great interest which has recently developed itself in the public mind in relation to this subject, it may not be out of place to bring together a few notes illustrative of the mode in which it was dealt with in England in former times. Previous to the Reformation the housing of the poor, especially in the rural districts, and the provision for paupers rested almost entirely with the monasteries. The monks were easy landlords, and were not backward in making suitable provision for their tenants. Harrison (Description of England, 1577) says :— "Herein I will commend sundrie of the monasticall votaries, especiallie moonkes, for that they were authors of manie goodlie barowes and endwares, neere unto their dwellings, although otherwise they pretended to be men separated from the world." We possess considerable sources of information as to the homes of the working classes in the fifteenth and early part of the sixteenth century, from which it seems evident that their command of the necessaries of life in proportion to their wages was greater than at the present time. The comparison of prices and wages between the two periods involving the purchasing power of money is somewhat complicated, but not difficult. We have to take into account 1. The intrinsic value of the coinage. 2. The rate of wages. 3. The prices of the necessaries of life in the currency of the period. 4. The rent of land at the time. In the early part of the sixteenth century, just before the Reformation, the ounce of silver was worth 3s. 4d., or, in other words, the shilling of Henry VIII. was in intrinsic value 1.55 the modern coin. The wages of an ordinary labourer were 6d. per day. The rents of cottages varied from 2s. 8d. to 4s. per annum. Six or eight days' labour was, therefore, sufficient to pay the year's rent. At the present day, taking an agricultural labourer's wages at 15s. a week, and cottage rent at 2s. a week, or 57. a year, it requires forty days' labour to pay the yearly rent. No doubt the cottages at that time were mere hovels; but I fear a large number at the present day are little better. About the same period wheat was 6s. 8d. per quarter, the price of a pig 3s. 2d., and of a cow 168. A labourer earning 64d. a day, or 3s. 3d. per week, could purchase a quarter of wheat with a fortnight's labour, which would now require three weeks', or a pig with one week's work, which would certainly now require the labour of three. Leaving out of view the cost of clothing and of the higher agrémens which modern habits require, there can be no doubt that the common people before the Reformation enjoyed an amount of rude plenty which has never since been equalled. After the dissolution, when the monastic property passed into the hands of greedy and rapacious favourites, the poor became an incumbrance, and every effort was made to get rid of them. Leland, in his Commentaries, referring to this subject, "There are some which are not so favorable when they have gotten such lands, as to let the houses remaine upon them to the use of the poore, but they will compound with the lord of the soile to pull them downe for altogither, saieng that if they did let them stand surcharge the rest of the parish, and laie more burden they should but toll beggers to the towne, thereby to upon them...... Certes a great number complaine of the increase of povertie, but few men doo see the verie root from whence it doth proceed." thing is usurie, a trade brought in by the Jewes, now pass of an inch, unless some credible person will take perfectlie practised almost by everie Christian." him into service for a year. And if, being of the age of Another influence operating in the same direc-eighteen years, he after do fall again into a roguish life he tion was the conversion into pasturage of a con- will take him into service for two years. shall suffer death as a felon, unless some credible person And if he siderable quantity of land which was previously fall a third time into a roguish life, he shall be adjudged in tillage. This arose from two causes; the in- a felon." creased produce of the cultivated land, which by lowering prices diminished its value; and the rise of the woollen manufacture, which enhanced the value of wool and rendered pasture more profitable than tillage. The attention of the legislature was called to this early in the sixteenth century. An Act (4 Hen. VII. cap. 19) decrees that "if any person shall decay a town, hamlet, or house of husbandry, or convert tillage into pasture, the immediate lord of the fee shall have the moiety of the offender's land until the offence be reformed." This was confirmed and strengthened by several subsequent Acts during the reigns of Henry VIII., Edward VI., and Philip and Mary. The process, however, went on, the agricultural labourers were thrown out of employment, and in some form or other became a charge on the community. The first mode of relief was a licence to beg. By the 22 Hen. VIII. cap. 12, the justices of the peace in every county were empowered to give licences under their seals to poor, aged, and impotent persons to beg within a certain precinct. Any trespassing beyond the limits, or begging without licence, were to be whipped or set in the stocks. This system was in practice in Scotland to a very recent period. The graphic figure of the old bluegown Edie Ochiltree in the Antiquary will suggest itself to every reader. This statute of Henry VIII., which was confirmed by the 3 & 4 Edward VI. cap. 16, was modified in 1562 by the 5 Eliz. cap. 3. The legislature seemed to be puzzled by the serious problem before them, and were groping about for a remedy. The language of the statute is so significant that it deserves quoting verbatim. It enacts that "The Poor and impotent persons of every Parish This punishment is defined in the 14 Eliz., cap. v.: He was This punishment might be thought too severe to In 1555 an Act (2 & 3 Phil. and Mary, cap. 1) was passed, authorizing a commission to inquire "how many villages, houses, and habitations had been decayed in the northern counties, and what lands had been enclosed, and to take such order as shall be thought convenient for the re-edifying of such decayed houses, and for the new erecting of others." However careful Parliament might be of the interests of the farmers and yeomen, the claims of the poor were sternly repressed. Although the change from tillage to pasture, by throwing the labourers out of employment, had to a great extent compelled them to take refuge in the towns, yet it would seem there had been a reaction, and cottages began to be built in the country districts. Whereupon, in 1589, an Act (31 Eliz. cap. 7) was passed, entitled "An Act against the Erecting and Maintaining of Cottages." The preamble recites: "For the avoiding of the great inconveniences which are found by experience to grow by the erecting and building of great numbers and multitude of cottages, which are daily more and more encreased in many parts of this realm; Be it enacted [&c., inter alia] that no person shall within this realm of England make, build, &c., any manner of cottage, habitation, or dwellingunless the same person do assign and lay to the said cottage four acres of ground at the least, being his own Freehold or inheritance lying near to the said cottage," &c., the existence of the said cottage. But while thus under a penalty of forty shillings per month during protecting the interests of the landowners in the country, full liberty was given to the erection of cottages in the towns, which was further encouraged by section 6 of the same Act, which provided that "there shall not be any Inmate or more families or households than one dwelling or inhabiting in any one cottage; upon pain that every owner or occupier of any such cottage suffering any such inmate or other family than one, shall forfeit to the Lord of the Leet within which such cottage shall be, the sum of ten shillings for every month " such inmate shall continue. Presentments were to be made at the Leet courts upon inquiry by the oath of the jurors. man knoweth how they are releeved, togeither with all the rest of the boyes and wenches newly come shall lykewyse avoyd." The various attempts to put down poverty by the strong hand and to treat it as a crime having failed, milder measures were gradually adopted. The 14 Eliz. cap. 5 provided for the relief of poor prisoners. The 18 Eliz. cap. 3 sanctioned the formation of a fund for setting the poor to work. The 39 Eliz. cap. 3 contained the outline of the Poor Law, which, extended by the celebrated 43 Eliz. cap. 2, has been, with modifications, the Driven from the country into the towns, and prevented by penalties from occupation as lodgers, the poor were placed, as it were, between the devil and the deep sea," and must have suffered considerable hardship. This Act was not allowed to lie dormant; prosecutions are recorded for build-law of the land ever since. ing cottages in the country, and the provisions for the avoiding of inmates or inmakes in the towns, were very soon put into permanent operation, as will be seen in the records of many of our boroughs. Thus, in the Port Moot minutes of the city of Liverpool, October, 1589, the grand jury present "That all those who keep or succour any inmakes within this town shall avoid the same inmakes or cause them to be avoided before the feast of St. Andrew the Apostle next ensuing, upon pain of their fines." This system of informations and presentments led to an inquisitorial interference which must have been almost intolerable. Thus : "1623, Jan. 13. We doe agree that any housekeeper in this towne whosoever, that hath anie strange woman in his house being with child, that they shall forthwith upon payne of their fyne cleare there howses from them." 1681, Oct. 24. Mr. Rd. Cleaveland is presented as having in his house five inmates, who turned out to be his own servants. 1686, Oct. 4. Port Moot, "Wee p'sent John Catterall for harbouring his father and mother without giving notice or securite to Mr. Maior, vis. viiid." Of course, after the passing of the Poor Law Act this feeling was intensified by the dread of the poor obtaining parochial settlements. 1678. "John Chorley, Gent, Maior. Whereas by dalye experience wee find that by reason of the late improvements in buildinge of houses and shipps in and about this burrough and Corporation, a great concourse of people have of late time resorted hither, and have beene concealed in designe to gaine settlements whereby this burrough is become verie grievouslie burdened with idle and wandringe persons of suspected reputations......It is therefore ordered that in everie streete within the liberties there shalbee elected and chosen by the homage of the said burrough yearlie one or more inhabitants to observe the office of Inspectors of Inmates for one yeare," &c. The above sketch will show that in regard to the housing and treatment of the poor there has been a gradual amelioration and a more sympathetic feeling. The present generation in this respect will not suffer by comparison with any of those which have gone before. J. A. PICTON. Sandyknowe, Wavertree. SCULLERY AND SCULLION. With regard to scullery, Prof. Skeat (following Mr. Wedgwood) tells us, "The word is really English, though the suffix -y is French"; that is to say, sculler is English and y is French. He then goes on to say that "sculler is a remarkable alteration of swiller, i.e., a washer, from the verb swill, to wash, A.-S. swilian......This is proved by the history of the word, in which two changes took place : (1) from swiller to squiller; and (2) from squillery to scullery." Later on he says, "There is, in fact, no doubt as to the matter "; but he allows that "the change from swillery or squillery to scullery was helped out by some confusion with O.F. escuelle (from Lat. scutella, a dish), so that a scullery was looked on as a place for dishes rather than as being merely the place for washing them." Now to this derivation I have the following objections to make: (1) That there is no evidence whatever to show that the verb swill ever became squill; (2) That it would be difficult, if not impossible, to find a word ending in ery in which the er is altogether English and the y French; (3) That it is very unlikely that squillery would have become scullery. With regard to (1), Prof. Skeat does, indeed, produce some examples showing that initial_sw may become squ; but this does not prove that swill ever did become squill, it only shows that it might have done so. He seems to think, too, that because we find in the Prompt. Parv., p. 471, "Sqwyllare, dysche-wescheare," therefore squiller stands for swiller. But surely it shows nothing more than that the writer of the book thought dish-washer a good English equivalent for squiller. As for (2), I should have thought that the words pantry and buttery, which Prof. Skeat quotes as instances in which there is the Fr. ending y used of the place or room where certain operations are |