Italy. Championnet, to whom the French forces were intrusted, attempted to raise the siege; and, for that purpose, made several partial attacks on the Austrian outposts, in which he gained considerable advantages. Emboldened by this result, he at length resolved on a general action; but he committed the capital error, in planning his movement, of dividing his army into three columns to attack on three sides an enemy in a central position: thus giving Melas an opportunity to engage any one of his divisions with greatly superior forces. The Austrian commander quickly seized the advantage thus offered; and, on the morning of November 4th, greatly to the surprise of Championnet, who dreamed of nothing on the part of the Austrians but defensive operations, he impetuously assailed the division of Victor, sixteen thousand strong. The French troops bravely withstood the attack for a time, but, overpowered by numbers, they at length gave way, and retreated with a loss of seven thousand men in killed, wounded and prisoners. Notwithstanding this destruction of his centre, and the consequent isolation of his two wings, Championnet made great efforts to relieve Coni: but the combinations of Melas were an overmatch for his diminished strength, and he was forced to abandon his project, and leave Coni to its fate. This stronghold was eventually surrendered on the 4th of December, and its garrison of three thousand men, with five hundred sick and wounded, were made prisoners of war.

With two other events, the campaign in Italy was brought to a close: these were, the capture of the castle of St. Angelo by the Neapolitan forces, and of Ancona by the Russians. By the latter conquest, five hundred and eighty-five pieces of cannon, seven thousand muskets, three ships of the line and seven smaller vessels fell into the hands of the allies.

CHAPTER XVI.

FROM THE REVOLUTION OF SEPTEMBER 3RD, TO THE CAMPAIGN OF 1800.

THE Revolution of France had now run through the several changes of universal enthusiasm, general suffering, plebeian revolt, bloody anarchy, democratic cruelty and military despotism. There remained a last stage to which it had not yet arrived; this was, the rule of a SINGLE DESPOT, a result to which the weakness consequent on exhausted passion was speedily bringing the country.

The election of a new third of the Legislature, in May, 1799, ended in a return of members adverse to the government established by Augereau's bayonets, who waited only for an opportunity to remove that faction from the helm of state. In the Directory, it fell to Rewbell's lot to retire, and Siêyes was chosen in his place. The people of France were already sufficiently dissatisfied with the conduct of their precedent rulers, when the disasters of the campaign in Italy and the Alps raised their discontent to exasperation. In the midst of this effervescence, the restraints imposed on the liberty of the press could no longer be maintained, and the influence of the daily journals was suddenly brought to bear with prodigious force against the government.

A conspiracy was soon organized, of which Siêyes became the head, and a large number of both Councils were its members. By a series of intrigues, they managed to displace Lareveillere and Merlin from the Directory, and appointed General Moulins and Roger Ducos their successors. But these measures, though they placed the government in new hands, did not bring to it any accession of vigor or ability. Immediately after these appointments in the Directory had taken place, news was received of the capture of Zurich by the Archduke, and of the success of the allies in Italy; disasters which rendered it incumbent on the Directory to gain favor with the people by some new and decisive effort. For this purpose, they made several changes in the commands of the army, ordered a conscription of two hundred thousand men to recruit their diminished ranks, and levied a forced loan of one hundred and twenty millions of francs from the more opulent inhabitants. At the same time, as the Jacobins were beginning to make head, and threatened serious disturbances, Fouché was appointed minister of police, and his energetic measures soon put an end to the intrigues of that dangerous party. It was not long, however, before the new Directory grew as unpopular as the old one; and as this state of affairs was greatly promoted by the denunciations of the daily journals, which had now become as violent in their opposition to the present, as they but recently were to the former Directory, a decree was issued for the arrest of eleven of the disaffected editors. This bold step again threw the whole country into confusion; and the more reflecting part of the inhabitants began to look around in the greatest anxiety, dreading another revolution, and wondering what would be its course and who its master spirit. The Directory, too, felt the want of a military chief capable of putting an end to these distractions, and of extricating the country from the perils consequent on the alarming progress of the allies. "We must have done with declaimers," said Siêyes; "what we want is a head and a sword." It is not strange that, in this emergency, all eyes were at length turned toward the youthful hero who had hitherto chained victory to his standards.

Napoleon, on his return to Alexandria, after his victory over the Turks at Aboukir, on the 25th of July, learned the situation of affairs in Europe from some newspapers sent on shore by Sir Sidney Smith; and he adopted the extraordinary resolution of abandoning his army to its fate, and returning privately to France. Leaving, therefore, Kleber to direct the government, he set out from Alexandria, on the 22nd of August, accompanied by Berthier, Lannes, Murat, Marmont, Andreossy, Berthollet, Monge and Bourrienne, escorted by a few faithful guides. The party embarked on a solitary part of the beach, in some fishing boats, which conveyed them to two French frigates, lying off the shore. Napoleon ordered the ships to be steered along the coast of Africa, in order that, if pursued by the English cruisers, and no other means of escape were left, he might land on the deserts of Lybia, and depend on chance for thereafter reaching Europe. But his voyage, though protracted by adverse winds, was successful; and, after a narrow escape from the English fleet near the coast of France, the frigates anchored in the Bay of Frejus, on the 8th of October.

The arrival of Napoleon at this opportune moment, excited the public enthusiasm to the highest pitch. His unauthorized and shameful desertion of the army was overlooked, and all joined, by universal acclamation,

in hailing him as the destined saviour of his country. He reached Paris on the 16th of October, and presented himself unexpectedly before the Directory. Their reception of the renowned commander was, to all outward appearance, extremely cordial and flattering; yet a vague disquietude had already taken possession of their minds, as to his ulterior intentions. Napoleon, on his own part, although convinced that the moment he had long wished for had arrived, and also fully determined to seize the supreme authority, was yet undecided as to the manner of carrying his purpose into effect. And, indeed, so general was the conviction, about this period, of the impossibility of continuing the government of France under the Republican form, that previous to Napoleon's return, various projects had not only been set on foot, but were far advanced, for the restoration of monarchical authority. The brothers of Napoleon, Joseph and Lucien, were deeply implicated in these intrigues: the Abbé Siêyes at one time thought of placing the Duke of Brunswick on the throne: and Barras was not averse to the restoration of the Bourbons, but was in fact negotiating with Louis XVIII. for that purpose.

No sooner had Napoleon taken possession of his unassuming dwelling in the Rue Chantereine, than the generals who had been sounded by Joseph and Lucien, hastened to pay their court to him; and with them came the officers who conceived themselves to have been ill used by the Directory. In addition to Lannes, Murat and Berthier who had shared his fortunes in Egypt, and were warmly attached to him, Jourdan, Augereau, Macdonald, Bournonville, Le Clerc, Lefebvre and Marbot concurred in offering the military dictatorship to Napoleon; and Moreau, although at first undecided, was at length won to the same course by the address of his great rival. Many of the most influential members of the Councils were also disposed to favor the enterprise: Sieyes and Roger Ducos gave it their countenance; and Moulins, Cambacérès, Fouché, and Réal, were assiduous in their attendance. These individuals, however, were as yet far from agreeing on the precise course to be adopted.

At length, on the 5th of November, after the conspiracy had been in progress for nearly a month, a banquet, under the direction of Lucien Bonaparte, was given at the Council-Hall of the Ancients, in honor of Napoleon. The feast passed off with sombre tranquillity. Every one spoke in a whisper; anxiety was depicted on each face; and Napoleon's own countenance was greatly disturbed. He soon rose from the table and left the Hall, where the chief object of the party had already been accomplished, the bringing together, namely, of six hundred persons of various political principles, and thus engaging them to act in unison in some common enterprise. In the course of the night, the final arrangements were made between Siêyes and Napoleon. It was agreed that the government should be overturned, and, in place of the Directory, three consuls appointed, charged with a dictatorial power, which was to last three months; that Napoleon, Siêyes and Roger Ducos should fill these stations, and that the Council of Ancients should pass a decree on the 8th of November, at seven in the morning, transferring the legislative body to St. Cloud, and appointing Napoleon commander of the guard of the Council, of the garrison at Paris, and of the National Guard.

During the two critical days that intervened, the secret was faithfully képt, and every preliminary arrangement completed. At daybreak on the 8th of November, the boulevards were filled with a numerous and

splendid cavalry, and all the officers in and around Paris repaired in full dress to the Rue Chantereine. The Council met at the appointed hour, and after some debate, the decree was passed, transferring the seat of the legislative body to St. Cloud, appointing their meeting there for the following day at noon, and charging Napoleon with full powers to see these measures carried into effect. This extraordinary decree was then ordered to be placarded on the walls of Paris, and dispatched to all the authorities. When this was completed, Napoleon presented himself at the bar of the Ancients, attended by his staff; he complimented the members on their firmness, which he averred had saved the country, and announced his determination to have and to support a republic. A deputy attempted to speak in reply, but the president stopped him, on the ground that all deliberation was interdicted until the Council met at St. Cloud. The assembly then broke up, and Napoleon proceeded to the garden of the Tuileries, where he passed in review the regiments of the garrison, addressing to each a few energetic words. The weather was beautiful; the confluence of spectators immense; their acclamations rent the sky; and everything announced the transition from anarchy to despotic power. In the mean time, the Council of Five Hundred, having received a confused account of the revolution that was in progress, tumultuously assembled in their hall. They were hardly convened when a message arrived from the Ancients with the decree of removal to St. Cloud. The moment it was read, a number of voices broke forth; but the president, Lucien Bonaparte, cut them short, by referring to the decree which prohibited debate until after their removal. The Directory was next disposed of, by Napoleon's compelling the members to resign.

On the morning of the 9th, a military force, five thousand strong, surrounded St. Cloud; but the Council of Five Hundred were nothing daunted, and in their preliminary discussions in the garden of the palace, a majority of them resolved to oppose the revolution. The Ancients were greatly disturbed at this unexpected resistance, and many of them were beginning to regret their own precipitancy, when the hour arrived for opening the assembly.

Lucien Bonaparte was in the chair of the Five Hundred, and Gaudin ascended the tribune and commenced a set speech, thanking the Ancients for their energetic measures, and proposing the formation of a committee of seven persons to report on the state of the Republic. But the moment he concluded, a violent opposition arose; and tumultuous cries of "Down with the dictators! Long live the Constitution!" prevented all further proceedings.

Napoleon, who saw the dangerous nature of the crisis, went to the hall of the Five Hundred, left his suite and soldiers at the door, and entered alone and uncovered. As he made his way to the bar, cries of "Down with the tyrant! death to the dictator!" drowned all other voices; and the deputies, rushing from their places, crowded around and heaped on him all manner of personal invectives. At this juncture, two of his grenadiers at the door, alarmed for his safety, ran forward, took him in their arms and bore him out of the hall. As soon as he was gone, Lucien strove to restore order; but, finding his efforts ineffectual, he resigned the chair, and stood before the bar as the counsel of his brother. Just as he began to speak, an officer with ten grenadiers entered. The officer stepped to Lucien, laid his hand on his shoulder, and whispered, "By

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your brother's orders:" the grenadiers shouted, "Down with the assassins!" and Lucien left the hall with his guard.

Meanwhile, Napoleon had descended to the court, mounted on horseback and appealed to the soldiers, assuring them that when he was about to point out to the Council the means of saving the country, the deputies had answered him with poniards. Lucien soon joined him, corroborated his words, and urged the troops to dissolve the Council by force. The word was given, the grenadiers advanced with fixed bayonets into the hall, and the members of the Council, in dismay, threw themselves out of the windows to avoid the charge. At eleven o'clock that night, a portion of the members of both Councils, not exceeding sixty persons in all, assembled, and unanimously passed a decree abolishing the Directory, expelling sixty-one refractory members of the Councils, adjourning the Legislature for three months, and vesting the executive power in the mean time in the hands of Napoleon, Siêyes and Roger Ducos, under the title of provisional consuls. Two commissions of twenty-five members each, were also appointed from each Council, to unite with the consuls in the formation of a new Constitution. Some discussion arose in arranging the details of that instrument; but it ended in the assumption of supreme power by Napoleon, as First Consul, associated with two other consuls holding nominal authority. To these were added eighty senators, a hundred tribunes, and three hundred legislators, who forthwith proceeded to exercise all the functions of government. Siêyes and Roger Ducos soon resigned their offices, and Napoleon appointed in their stead Cambacérès and Le Brun. Talleyrand was made minister of Foreign Affairs, Fouché was retained in the Police, and La Place received the portfolio of the Interior. The new Constitution, on being submitted to the people, was approved by three millions eleven thousand and seven votes: that of 1793 had but one million eight hundred and one thousand nine hundred and eighteen; and that of 1795, one million and fifty-seven thousand three hundred and ninety.

One of Napoleon's first measures, on arriving at the consular throne, was to make proposals of peace to the British government, which he did through the medium of a letter, in his own name, to the King of England. His communication was couched in general terms, expressive, indeed, of a desire for peace, but filled with vague questions as to the continuance of the war, instead of designating some conditions by which it might be brought to a close. Lord Grenville's answer was more explicit, disclaiming any intention, on the part of his majesty, to control or interfere with the internal policy of France, but resolving nevertheless to resist her foreign aggressions; and at the same time avowing a disposition for peace whenever the French government should evince a similar deşire, accompanied by a declaration of its principles and the requisite proofs of its stability.

The debate on the question of continuing the war was prolonged through several weeks in Parliament; and at length, on the 3rd of February, 1800, the belligerent measures of the ministry were sustained by a vote of two hundred and sixty-five to sixty-four. This was followed by a vote of supplies to the army and navy proportioned to the importance of the contest. Several domestic measures of consequence, were also adopted during this session. The Bank charter was renewed for twenty-one years, in consideration of which, the directors made a loan to the government of