50

By the liberality of two or three gentlemen, who consider it to be an important part of a liberal education that every student among us should visit this collection, a certain number of tickets of admission are at the disposal of the President of the Johns Hopkins University, to be given to those who would not otherwise be likely to visit the collections.

FORMATION OF AN ARCHEOLOGICAL SOCIETY.

Special attention is to be paid during the current session to the subject of archaeology, for the purpose of bringing before the members of this university the importance of this study. A course of Lectures on ClassiA society has been cal Archæology is announced on another page. formed for the voluntary prosecution of studies in this department, the report of which will be found under the proceedings of societies.

The meeting for organization was held on February 9 and the following constitution was adopted:

Art. I. The Society is to be called "The Archæological Society of the Johns Hopkins University."

Art. II. The Society is to consist of twelve active members, and such associate, corresponding, and honorary members as they may elect.

Art. III. The attributions of active members are: to manage the entire business of the Society, and to elect, besides members and officers of their own body, associate, corresponding, and honorary members.

Art. IV. Conditions of membership are as follows: active members are to be such as are actually engaged in the study of archæology or art; associate members are admitted by a majority vote of the active members upon the nomination of an active member.

Art. V. A chairman shall be selected at each meeting of the Society; the permanent officers shall be a recording and a corresponding secretary.

Art. VI. The meetings of the Society are to be periodical at dates fixed by an executive committee as provided in the by-laws. The proceedings are to consist of the reading of papers on ancient and modern art. of reports on discoveries and investigations, and of the examination and discussion of objects of art either in originals or reproductions, and of aesthetic questions.

Art. VII. Corresponding and honorary members will be invited to send in papers to be read before the Society. Gentlemen not members may be invited to read papers. Art. VIII. The Constitution of the Society may be changed by a two-thirds vote of all the active members.

Art. IX. The Society may acquire property by contribution or gift, and may accept loans of works of art. In the case of the dissolution of the Society, any property it may possess will fall to the University.

Among the preliminary doings of the society, there will be an inquiry into the facilities for archæological study offered by public and private collections in Baltimore, which will be communicated in its meetings; and under the same auspices, Dr. Frothingham offers to members of the University short expositions of the following subjects, copiously illustrated with photographs and art-books: I. The Catacomb frescos; II. The Sculptures of early Christian Sarcophagi; III. Mosaic painting; IV. Ivory carvings; V. Metal Sculpture during the Middle-Ages; VI. Sculpture in France during the Gothic period; VII. The revival of Sculpture in Italy; VIII. The schools of painting in Italy during the XIV and XV centuries.

ADDITION TO THE COLLECTION OF MINERALS.

A collection of minerals, numbering sixteen hundred specimens, which was made by Professor O. D. Allen, of the Sheffield Scientific School, of Yale College, has recently been purchased by this university. It is placed in charge of Dr. G. H. Williams, Associate in Mineralogy, from whom the following statement has been received:

Professor Allen has been forming the collection during the last twenty years. The specimens are all of small size, but are, without exception, very choice and typical. Nearly all the commoner mineral species are present in specimens from the best known localities, both in this country and Europe, while certain American localities, which Professor Allen explored and, in some cases discovered, are represented by almost unique suites. Among the latter may be mentioned the Tilly Foster Iron Mine, at Brewster, N. Y., for chondrodite; Litchfield, Me., for zircon, cancrinite, etc.; Buckfield, Me., for Muscovite crystals; North Madison, Ct., for beryls; Paris Hebron, Me., for tourmalines; Roxbury, Ct., for pyrite. In this connection, it may be well to add that the work in Mineralogy for the year 1883-4 has been organized with especial reference to the needs of the more advanced chemical students. The course of lectures includes a treatment of crystallography, crystal drawing, and the modern methods of research in physical mineralogy, full enough to enable a chemist to thoroughly investigate, describe, and figure any crystals of a new substance. It also includes a systematic description of the important natural mineral species, the classification followed being that of Groth's "Tabellärische Uebersicht," 1882. Opportunity is given on Saturday morning to practically apply the methods described in the lectures and

also at other times for work with crystallographic, optical, and other mineralogical instruments.

During the last half of the year, the lectures are to be on General Geology, with especial reference to the modern methods of petrographical research.

The Marine Laboratory at Wood's Holl, Mass., established by the United States Fish Commission, under Professor S. F. Baird, Director, In the initiation will be open for workers during the coming summer.

of this undertaking, the Johns Hopkins University made a subscription entitling it to nominate annually a student in zoology, who may have the right to occupy one of the laboratory tables.

The number of persons who wished to hear the lectures of Professor Corson on English Literature was so large that it far exceeded the capacity of Hopkins Hall. The Trustees of the Peabody Institute courteously gave permission to have the course delivered in one of their halls under the designation of "Peabody Institute Class Lectures." The average attendance has been over three hundred. A schedule of the course is given on p. 45. Professor Corson has also given a series of readings on successive Thursdays in Hopkins Hall.

The course of Educational Lectures (previously announced) to college graduates who are looking forward to the career of teachers, was begun on Saturday, February 16, in the lecture room of the Chemical Labora tory. Tickets were issued to seventy-eight persons connected with the university who expressed a desire to attend.

At the request of the public school authorities of Baltimore, a lecture on Manual Training Schools was given by Professor C. M. Woodward, Director of the Manual Training School, connected with the Washington University, of St. Louis, in Hopkins Hall, Monday, February 4, at 8

p. m.

The Annual Report of the President of the Johns Hopkins University for 1883 is printed and ready for distribution.

The Glee Club, which was formed in the last autumn, gave a public entertainment in Hopkins Hall, Thursday, February 14, at 8.30 p. m. The programme included some classical music and a number of college songs. The singers were:

First Tenor: F. M. Warren, W. Wilson.

Second Tenor: L. T. Stevens, A. Yager, R. J. Pratt, B. T. Roberts,

A Shaw.

First Bass: R. H. Bayard, B. J. Ramage, D. T. Day.

Second Bass: E. R. L. Gould, J. S. Hodges, C. H. Levermore, J. Page. The pianist was Mr. E. L Crutchfield.

The vocal instructor of the club has been Mr. L. Odend'hal.

The AMERICAN JOURNAL OF MATHEMATICS, Vol. VI, No. 3, March, 1884, contains papers as follows:

On Quadruple Theta-Functions (continued). By Thomas Craig. On certain Groups of Relations satisfied by the Quadruple Theta-Func tions. By Thomas Craig.

On the Absolute Classification of Quadratic Loci, and on their Intersec tions with each other and with Linear Loci. By W. E. Story. The Imaginary Period in Elliptic Functions. By W. W. Johnson. Second Note on Weierstrass' Theory of Elliptic Functions. By A. L.

PHILOLOGY.

The so-called Woman's Language of the Ancient Babylonians. By PAUL HAUPT.

[Abstract of a paper read at the meeting of the University Philological Association, December 7, 1883].

The idiom of the non-Semitic aborigines of Babylonia has come down to us in two dialects. In one of them chiefly magical formulae and incantations are composed, in the other hymns and penitential psalms. The latter dialect is designated by the Assyrian national grammarians in the ancient cuneiform vocabularies eme-sal, commonly rendered by "Female Language" or "Woman's Language."

From various indications I reached the conviction (about the end of 1880) that the so-called "Woman's Language" was the dialect of Shumer (the Biblical Shinar) or Lower Babylonia, the other the idiom of Akkad or Upper Babylonia. Almost all Assyriologists accepted my conclusions; a young employé at the Royal Library of Munich, however, who devotes his leisure hours to Assyriology, has since taken occasion to dispute this theory. According to "his novel view", which had been advanced already by Professor A. H. Sayce in 1877, the Woman's Language was not spoken in Sumer but in Akkad or North Babylonia. The main proof which he brings forward in behalf of his assertion is that the names of Upper Babylonian localities are to be found in the hymns and psalms of the Woman's Language. This is indeed true, but I think that the connection in which those geographical names occur is of some little consequence. I have collected all the passages in which the names of cities, temples, rivers, and mountains are to be met with in the Sumero-Akkadian texts, and if they are considered attentively in the light of the context, the enthusiasm for the "ebenso scharfsinnige wie glückliche Beweisführung" (Lit. Centralbl. 1883, col. 618) will be sobered a little. When at the end of a litany in the "Woman's Language" Bel of Nippur, Merodach of Babylon, and other local deities of Upper Babylonian cities are invoked, this proves as little for the place where the text in question was composed as does the mention of Apollo of Delphi in a Greek inscription. And when we find in the exorcisms and magical formulae on almost every page a reference to the atoning sprinkling of Eridu, the centre of the cultus of Ea, the θεὸς ἀποτρόπαιος, the deus averruncus κατ' ἐξοχήν, or the invocation of Ea's ever helpful son Merodach as tur-Urudugá-kid, of Eridu," I fail to see how one can imagine this an irrefragable proof that all these texts were composed in the neighborhood of Eridu (the present Aboo-Shahrein) in South-Babylonia, and therefore written in the Sumerian dialect. Even if it could be proved that the monuments excavated at Tell-Loh by the French vice-consul in Basra, Monsieur E. de Sarzec, do not show the characteristic phonetic deviations of the eme-sal texts, it would not induce me to abandon my well founded views. It might be useful to bear in mind my remarks at the bottom of page 2 of my Akkadische Sprache (Berlin, 1883, Asher & Co.)

son

I may

I may be allowed to add that I intend to publish in one of the early numbers of the University Circulars some critical observations about the text of my Keilschrifttexte and my edition of the Nimrod epic just issued (Leipzig, Hinrichs). I shall also try to show that the Assyrian Aleph in words like ómu "day," or arzu "month," may be more primitive than the y and w in the Arabic yóm, or in the Ethiopic warx. likewise mention beforehand, that the Syriac seladdá really is the Assyrian salamtu "corpse" (fem. of salmu), which was pronounced 'salandu (cf. the Mandaic form) according to Familiengesetze 43, 2; that the Assyrian equivalent of the Akkadian amar: búru, or rather púru, is the masculine to purtu "juvenca", corresponding to the Hebrew par, (see Nimrod epic, p. 51, 1. 7 and 8); that the "ideograph" for ó, deiva (No. 274 of Delitzsch's Schrifttafel) is to be read phonetically pulpul, a reduplicated form of the Arabic fulu, which occurs in poetry instead of the common fulán, Hebrew pelóní, Syriac pelán; and that the Hebrew an in the wellknown passage, Proverbs, 25, 22, w-by, in spite of the owpevceis, Romans, 12, 20, is the Ethiopic zatáwa, II, 1 axtówa “accendit" (cf. the derived noun

).

I hope also to have my Assyrian grammar ready for publication by the fall of this year.

Lucianea. By B. L. GILDERSLEEVE.

CHARON 1. σὺ μὲν ῥέγκεις, ἐπὶ τοῦ καταστρώματος ἐκταθείς. The ancient were quick to seize the faintest Homeric allusion-and here there is a clear reference to Odysseus. Xen. An. 5. 1, 2: ἐπιθυμῶ πλεῖν τὸ λοιπὸν καὶ ἐκταθεὶς ὥσπερ Οδυσσεὺς καθεύδων ἀφικέσθαι εἰς τὴν Ἑλλάδα. Lucian was distinctly thinking of the passage in Xenophon as Xenophon was thinking of Homer (Od. 13, 92). His range of reading was not as wide as has been fancied. 6. κεραμὶς ἐπιπεσοῦσα—ἀπέκτεινεν αὐτόν: In his Sittengeschichte, 1, 25, Friedländer, discussing the dangers of the Roman streets, has nothing better to cite than the well-worn exaggeration of Juv. 3, 271, which by its very violence fails to produce the same effect as Epictet. Diss., 2, 6, 17: τὸ δὲ φθείρον ἢ μάχαιρά ἐστιν ἡ τροχὸς ἢ θάλασσα ἡ κεραμὶς ἢ τύραννος. In French, tuile (Comprenez-vous une tuile pareille quand on se croit à l'abri de toute littérature? Merimée, Lettres à une inconnue) retains something of the fatefulness of κεραμίς.

ADVERSUS INDOCTUM: Did Sebastian Brant know Greek or if he did, had he any access to Lucian? There seems to be little likelihood of either, though he was a friend of the great Hellenist Reuchlin. Yet a droll coincidence may be worth noting: cf. c. 4: kaì où roívvv ßißhíov μèv ἔχεις ἐν τῇ χειρὶ καὶ ἀναγινώσκεις ἀεί, τῶν δὲ ἀναγινωσκομένων οἶσθα οὐδέν, ἀλλ' ὄνος λύρας ἀκούεις κινῶν τὰ ὦτα

von büchern hab' ich grossen hort verstant doch drin gar wenig wort

die oren sint verborgen mir

man säh sunst eines mullers tier.

c. 1: pávovтos тоv оøvаμоv тò σтóμа: d. i. zerstreut, ohne Theilnahme und Verständniss indem das Auge und mit ihm der Blick wo anders weilt als der lesende Mund (Sommerbrodt). Whether the ancients read every good book aloud, as Wieland says, or not, reading aloud to one's self was doubtless more common, as reading was certainly more difficult than it is now. Imperfectly educated persons are often unable to read. without at least forming the sounds with the mouth and occasionally educated persons retain the bad habit of moving the lips while reading. Here, I think, we have "impatience" rather than "ignorance." Fuller confesses somewhere that when he read a chapter in the Bible that did not end on the page, he could not help turning over to see how long it was and a similar impatience is noted in Martial, 2, 6, 1-3:

I nunc edere me iube libellos. lectis vix tibi paginis duabus spectas eschatocollion, Severe.

BIS ACCUSATUS, 28: καὶ οὐκ αἰσχύνεται τὴν μὲν ἐλευθερίαν καὶ τὸ ἄνετον τῶν ἐν ἐμοὶ λόγων συντεμών, ἐς μικρὰ δὲ καὶ κομματικὰ ἐρωτήματα κατακλείσας ἑαυτὸν καὶ ἀντὶ τοῦ λέγειν ὅ τι βούλεται μεγάλη τῇ φωνῇ βραχείς τινας λόγους ἀναπλέκων καὶ συλλαβίζων. This assault made by Rhetoric on Lucian for going over to Dialogue has some interesting parallelisms with Fronto's protest against Marcus's desertion of oratory, ad Marc. Ant. de eloq., p. 146 (Naber):

Discere te autem ceratinas et soritas et pseudomenus verba contorta et fidicularia, neglegere vero cultum orationis et gravitatem et maiestatem et gratiam et nitorem, hoc indicat loqui te quam eloqui malle (ávrì Tov λéyelv μɛɣákŋ tỷ owvŋ) murmurare potius et friguttire quam clangere. Cf. Apul. Apol., p. 336: audivisti privignum meum vix singulas syllabas frigultientem (συλλαβίζοντα). However we may interpret αναπλέκειν, whether it mean simply "to string" (Pisc. 6) or is to be explained by Fronto's "verba contorta et fidicularia ", the whole passage is interesting as carrying out the vituperation of ßpaxeis rivas λóyʊʊç—“ut si in natando, si aeque liceret, ranam potius quam delphinos aemulari malles, coturnicum potius pinnis breviculis quam aquilarum maiestate volitare."

DE MORTE PEREGRINI, 6: Some have seen in ὀρφανοὺς ἡμᾶς καταλιπών ο reference to our Saviour! cf. Jo. 14, 18: ouк âģýow vμās óppavovç. Kühn combats this position, but has nothing very cogent to adduce. How

utterly absurd such a disputation to any one who remembers Plat. Phaedo, 116 Α : ἡγούμενοι—διάξειν ὀρφανοὶ τὸν ἔπειτα βίον !

RHETORUM PRAECEPTOR, 1: ἱερόν τι χρῆμα τὴν συμβουλὴν οὖσαν nach dem griechischen Komiker Menander [Mon. 256]: ¡ɛpòv åλndūç kotiv ý ovußovnía (Sommerbrodt). That is the easy way in which notes on school editions are made. S. surely could not have forgotten his Xen. Anab., 5, 6, 4: αὕτη γὰρ ἡ ἱερὰ συμβουλὴ λεγομένη εἶναι δοκεῖ μοι παρεῖναι. There is no estimating the age of such a proverb, and there is no necessity of saying that Lucian took it from the Greek comic poet. Zenobius, 4, 40, attributes it with as little reason to Epicharmus.

NIGRINUS. In an article which I wrote on Lucian (Southern Review, October, 1869, p. 397), I said of the Nigrinus: "One thing in this dialogue deserves special notice for its psychological truth. Lucian speaks of his almost ecstatic emotion at the revelation of Nigrinus; and no religious enthusiast could have had more copious sweats, more faltering a tongue, more abundant tears. Then follow, in due succession, rapturous joy, spiritual elevation, tranquil happiness. The negative intoxicates as well as the positive; and many a man has felt as blissful when he was annihilating shams' and exploding 'wind bags,' as if he had risen to a new life and was revelling in a new creation."

Some years after writing this I noticed a curious parallel between the effect which Musonius (ap. Gell., N. A., 5, 1) said the discourse of a true philosopher should have, and the account in Lucian or Pseudo-Lucian of the effect which the discourse of Nigrinus had on him. This parallel extends even to minutiae. So the same passage of Homer, Od., 11, 333, is cited to which Lucian alludes. The more one reads the literature of this period, the more "stencilly "-to borrow a German expression-does it appear. The outlines are the same everywhere. The difference lies chiefly in the color of the paint.

85. ἐγὼ δὲ τέως μὲν ἤκουον αὐτοῦ τεθηπὼς καὶ μὴ σιωπήσῃ πεφοβημένος . ἐπειδὴ δὲ ἐπαύσατο, τοῦτο δὴ τὸ τῶν Φαιήκων πάθος ἐπεπόνθειν· πολὺν γὰρ δὴ χρόνον ἐς αὐτὸν ἀπέβλεπον κεκηλημένος. * εἶτα πολλῇ συγχύσει καὶ ἰλίγγῳ κατειλημμένος τοῦτο μὲν ἱδρῶτι κατερρεόμην, τοῦτο δὲ φθέγξασθαι βουλόμενος ἐξέπιπτόν τι καὶ ἀνεκοπτόμην καὶ τέλος ἐδάκρυον ἀπορούμενος . οὐ γὰρ ἐξεπιπολῆς οὐδ ̓ ὡς ἔτυχεν ἡμῶν ὁ λόγος καθίκετο κτέ.

This is evidently a cruel exaggeration of the orthodox attitude of the true seeker, as given by Musonius: Animus audienti philosophum, cum quae dicuntur utilia ac salubria sunt et errorum atque vitiorum medicinas ferunt, laxamentum atque otium prolixe profuseque laudandi non habet. Quisquis ille est, qui audit, nisi ille est plane deperditus, inter ipsam philosophi orationem et perhorrescat necesse est et pudeat tacitus et paeniteat et gaudeat et admiretur. And then he goes on to show that silence is the truest compliment, as witness the Phaeacians, Ως φάτο· τοὶ δ' ἄρα πάντες ἀκὴν ἐγένοντο σιωπῇ. The reader of Tacitus (Hist. 3, 81) will remember that Musonius did not find fit audience for his "intempestiva sapientia" when he tried Antonius Primus.

26. ἀγρὸν οὐ πόρρω τῆς πόλεως κεκτημένος οὐδὲ ἐπιβῆναι αὐτοῦ πολλῶν ἐτῶν ἠξίωσεν ἀλλ' οὐδὲ τὴν ἀρχὴν αὑτοῦ εἶναι διωμολόγει. Comp. for a similar affectation Trimalchio in Petron. c. 48: deorum beneficio non emo (vinum) sed nunc quicquid ad salivam fecit, in suburbano nascitur eo, quod ego non novi. DE MERC. CONDUCTIS, 34: Boissier says of Fronto, "un assez méchant écrivain mais un fort honnête homme." I will not undertake to discuss Fronto's character here. Marcus teils that he learned from him that oi καλούμενοι οὗτοι παρ' ἡμῖν εὐπατρίδαι αστοργότεροί πώς εἰσιν (1, 11), with which we may compare Fronto's own words (ad Ver. Imp. 2, 7): piñoOTоpyía nescio an Romana: quippe qui nihil minus in tota mea vita Romae repperi quam hominem sincere piñóσroруov; ut putem, quia reapse nemo est Romae piñóσrорyos ne nomen quidem huic virtuti esse Romanum. So again, (ad Amicos, 1, 3): probus, philostorgos, cuius rei apud Romanos nomen nullum est. So there is nothing that corresponds to "gemüthlich " in English, and to be "gemüthlich " one must be Teutonic by nature or by training. It is evident that the Romans recognized the fact that pihooτopyia was not a national virtue, and hence it is a happy stroke when the Roman lady in the "Hireling Philosophers" wants a kindly service done to her and to her fellow-creature she calls on her Greek tutor: déoμai σου τοῦτο, ἔφη, χρηστὸν ὁρῶσά σε καὶ ἐπιμελῆ καὶ φιλόστοργον.

*Copied from Plat. Protag. 328-D: καὶ ἐγὼ ἐπὶ μὲν πολὺν χρόνον κεκηλημένος ἔτι πρὸς αὐτὸν ἔβλεπον.

On an edition, proposed by the writer, of the Kauçikasutra of the Atharva-Veda. (Position of the text in the literature;-contents;-materials for the edition). By MAURICE

BLOOMFIELD.

Sutras are short schematic sentences, which offer the doctrines of a certain science in a shape most easily remembered. The language is generally Vedic, but stands nearer to classical Sanskrit than that of the brahmanas and mantras. The ritualistic sutras are of a two-fold character: 1. Kalpa or çrăuta-sūtras, treating the large sacrifices for which three fires and many priests are necessary; these attach themselves very closely to the brahmanas. 2. Smärta-sūtras, giving traditional prescriptions about religious duties, house customs and the relation of man to man. These are much less directly dependent upon the preceding period, but are largely based upon traditions prior to the brahmana literature. These smårta. sutras again are divided into two categories, grhya-sutras 'religious dictates for house life' and dharma-sūtras 'law-sūtras', treating of the relations of men in social, civic, and political life.

Of these the grhya-sutras concern us here. The number of these texts actually preserved or known to Indian tradition is not large. Belonging to the Rig-Veda we have:

1. The Açvalāyana (-grhya-sūtra); edited by Stenzler in text and translation, Leipzig, 1864-5.

2. The Çankhayana or Käuṣitakin; edited by Oldenberg in text and translation, Indische Studien XV, Berlin, 1878.

3. The Cambavya, coming from a school closely related to the preceding (the Kausitakin); see Indische Studien XV, p. 4. To the Sama-Veda belong:

4. The grhya-sutra of Gobhila; edited in the Bibliotheka Indica by Candrakanta Tarkalankara, Calcutta, 1880.

5. The Drāhyāyaṇa-gṛhya-sūtra of Khadira, found by Burnell and reported in his Catalogue of South-Indian MSS., p. 56.

To the White Yajur Veda belong:

6. The grhya-sutra of Pāraskara; edited and translated by Stenzler, Leipzig, 1876-8.

To the various schools of the Black Yajur-Veda belong:

7. The Apastamba; materials for an edition in the possession of Prof. Garbe of Königsberg.

8. Băuddhāyana, unedited; a MS. is contained in the collection of Fort William; another in Munich (Verzeichniss der orientalischen Handschriften des Prof. Dr. Martin Haug, Nr. 162).

9. Bhāradvāja, Burnell, Catalogue of South-Indian MSS., p. 30-33. 10. Hiranyakeçin, Bühler, a Catalogue of MSS. from Gujerat, Part I,

Nr. 312.

11. The Kathaka-gṛhya-sūtra of Laugāksi; see Jolly, Das Dharmasútra des Visnu und das Kathakagṛhyasūtra, Transactions of the Bavarian Academy for 1879.

12. The Manava grhya-sutra, see P. von Bradke in the Journ. of the Germ. Oriental Society, XXXVI, p. 417 fgg.

Of the Atharva-Veda we have one sutra which is partially a grhya

sútra:

13. The Kauçika-sutra, which I propose to edit for the first time. The Atharva Veda shares the characteristics of the other Vedas as far as the division into çākhās or schools is concerned. Tradition reports nine Atharva-schools, five of which are pretty well authenticated. The sanhitas or hymn collections of two of them have been found. One is the collection of the Çăunaka school, which was edited by Roth and Whitney (Berlin, 1856). The discovery in Kashmir of a second important school, probably the Paippalāda, differing considerably from the Çaunaka version is due to the ingenuity and influence of Roth, and I saw in the summer of 1882 the unique birch-bark MS. of this text which Roth holds in Tuebingen (see Der Atharva-Veda in Kaschmir, a programme of the University of Tuebingen, 1875; also Roth in the Transactions of the Fourth International Congress of Orientalists). In its subdivision into schools the AV. accordingly stands on a level with the other Vedas. But its doubtful canonicity begins to appear as soon as we look about among the brahmanas and sūtras which these nine or five çakhas ought to have developed. The meaning of the fact that the earliest literature recognizes only a three

fold veda, a trayī vidyā here becomes apparent. The Atharva-schools at first were not orthodox, and were therefore not in the condition to develop the same kind of a religious literature as the other schools. Thus the schools of this Veda have practically no brahmanas; for the single Gopatha-brahmana is patently a later production. This noncanonicity seems to have had a still more striking effect on the sutras, for here also the constant relations of the sutras to the hymn-collections of the school are much disturbed. There is a crauta-sutra of the AV. called Väitäna-sutra (edited and translated by Garbe, 1878), and it belongs apparently to the Çannaka-school, but its very small size and its lack of originality at once challenge the same criticism as the single brahmana. It is also late and perhaps an imitation of the literary conditions of the other çākhās. Originally, i. e., before its admission into the canon, the AV. probably had no large Vedic ceremonial, for which many priests of the other Vedas were needed. But in compensation for that, the private life and the private performance of ritualistic acts by one who adhered to this Veda of incantation, exorcisms, etc., must have been very extensive, bringing in much which was unknown in other schools, and to this the largest, and by far the most important accessory text of the AV., the Kauçika-sutra owes its peculiar character. This may be best described by stating that the Kauçika performs a double function, (1) that of a grhyasütra in the sense of the other schools, (2) as a special Atharvaṇa-sūtra, i. e., a book giving in systematic sûtra form those lower performances of private life, which are peculiar to this Veda. In accordance with its double function is its size; it is about 2-3 times as large as a common grhya-sutra and contains from 1700-1800 çlokas, blocks of 32 syllables, which are employed by the Hindus as units of measurement for manuscripts. This text also belongs to the Çaunaka-school, and brings in the most checkered manner common house-rites and Atharvanic rites amalga mating the two in a very thorough manner.

The text is divided into fourteen books, the chief contents of which are as follows:

I. The new and full-moon sacrifice; sthālīpāka, the common offering of cooked rice on the occasion of the smaller sacrifices; ganas or strings of hymns and verses from the AV. which are supposed to have certain magical effects, such as scaring away demons, purifying, removing danger, etc.

II. The rite for begetting wisdom in a child; obtaining success in the Vow of chastity; the acquisition of all sorts of desirable property; rites for producing success in wars and battles; restoration of a dethroned king; coronation.

III. The rites to Nirrti, the goddess of mishap; feeding and fattening of cattle; the acquisition of power and prosperity; inauguration of a new hall; the vrsotsarga, a ceremony by which a young bull is given over to a certain community as a breeder.

IV. The fourth book consists of two distinct parts: (a) bhāiṣajyāni, remedial rites for all possible diseases, (b) stri-karmāņi rites pertaining to women; charms; philtres; rites for regaining lost affection; rites against jealousy, etc.

V. Expedients for finding out whether a certain act or step be good or bad; the warding off of storms, lightning, and excessive rain; charm for forensic successes, in disputation and arbitration; charms to make rivers flow according to one's wishes; success in treasure-digging, in gambling, in trade; rites for entering a new house; purification of a house. VI. Rites for bewitching and for the destruction of rivals. VII. Sanskaras, sacramental rites in the life of the young brahmanical Indian: giving of a name; first food; cudakarana, the preparation of the tribal hair-lock; godāna, preparation of the hair previous to investiture; the upanayana, or investiture with the sacred cord, by which the young Indian becomes 'twice-born,' a member of the religious community; kamyestis, ad hoc prayers for the fulfilment of a certain wish.

VIII. Sava, pañcaudană, çatăudanā, odanasava, preparation of feasts for the brahmans as reward for service rendered in sacrificial perfor

XII. The argha ceremony, with which honored guests especially bridegrooms are received; madhuparka, the drink of honey, curds, etc., which is offered at the reception.

XIII. The warding off of evil effects of all kinds of omina and portenta, unusual natural occurences, etc.

XIV. The ājyatantra, the preparation of the sacrificial butter; bhūšanskāras, preparation of the sacrificial ground; asṭakās, sacrificial performances on the eighth day after the full-moon of certain months: Vedastudy and intermissions in the same; indramahotsava, a festival by which kings obtain firmness of sway.

In the summer of 1882 I went abroad, largely for the purpose of collecting materials for an edition of the Kauçika. Of this text there existed in Europe for a long time only a single fairly correct MS., No. 119 of the Chambers collection in the Royal Library at Berlin, catalogued by Weber, Verzeichniss der Sanskrit-Handschriften, p. 88 (cf. Indische Literaturgeschichte, 2d ed., p. 168). The date of this MS. is savat 1670, and a copy of it belonging to Prof. Whitney, and now in my possession, was the material I started out with.

In 1871, Prof. Roth obtained through Prof. Kielhorn's mediation a copy of a Kauçika MS., of Elphinstone College, of late date (çake 1792), and of inferior value. It seems to stand in some genetic relation to the Chambers MS., as it shares many readings and blunders with the latter. In 1874, Roth finished a collation of a MS., of the Púna Deccan College, which had been sent to him by the Bombay government (cf. his Atharva-Veda in Kaschmir, pp. 13, 24); it is date‹l saṁvat 1740, çake 1606. This contains many better readings than the Chambers and Elphinstone MSS., and is perhaps a copy of, certainly in some way related to, a MS. dated samvat 1708, which I now have in my hands, and which will be mentioned below.

In 1878, Roth collated a MS. from Bikanir dated samvat 1735; also a very fair MS.

Upon my arrival in Tübingen, Prof. Roth kindly allowed me to use his materials, and I had thus four readings of the text. But with all of them an even approximately correct edition would not have been possible; and I turned to India for help. I addressed myself to Mr. K. M. Chatfield, the Director of Public Instruction, who responded by sending for me last summer to the India House thirteen MSS., two of the Kauçika itself, and eleven small texts belonging to the Atharva-Veda in general. Dr. Rost at once sent them to Baltimore, and they are now in my possession.

The most valuable of these MSS. is a very excellent text of the Kauçika, older than any previously known in Europe. It is No. 86 of the paper MSS. catalogued in Kielhorn's report to the Director of Public Instruction for the years 1880-1; written samvat 1708, therefore 230 years old, and in an excellent state of preservation. This MS. seems to be the source of the Pûna Deccan College MS. mentioned above, and is as far as I have been able to find out, the oldest codex of the Kauçika which has as yet been catalogued or noticed.

The other Kauçika-text which I owe to the liberality of the Indian goverment is of inferior value. It is MS. No. 150 of the collection of 1879-80, and a quite modern copy, corrected only in the first few kandikās.

Of the eleven small Atharva-texts, all but one are of subordinate value for the work in hand, though a few passages in the Kauçika are benefited by one or the other of them.

This one has the title: daça karmāņi brahmavedoktāni, and is nothing else than a paddhati to those parts of the Kauçika, which treat what is strictly house-ritual. It begins with the ajyatantra, which is an amplification of the first kandikā of the 14th book of the Kauçika, and then turns to the samskaras, from the garbhadhanam to the caturthikarma. On the other hand, those parts of the Kauçika which are especially Atharvanic in their character it does not touch upon at any point.

By far the most important factor in the edition is the fragmentary commentary to the Kauçika by Darila. My knowledge of the existence of this commentary is due to a correspondence with Prof. Weber, carried on in the summer of 1882; the text is part of a codex of Atharva-writings presented to the Royal Library at Berlin by Prof. Eggeling. The title is kāuçika-bhāṣya, by Darila-bhatta, the grandson of Vatsaçarman; it goes to the end of the second kandika of the 6th adhyaya. The text is treated as though fairly at an end, at least as far as the immediate source of this copy is concerned, for we have a colophon at the end, with the date cake 1762. Of Darila I have found no mention anywhere else, but 'padas of

the teacher Vatsaçarman' (pādā upādhyāyavatsaçarmanah) are cited in Darila's comment. As the MS. was under no conditions to be removed from Berlin, I had to get a copy (in devanagari); and in this I was kindly aided by Dr. Klatt, the custos of the Indian Department at the library.

The MS. of this text is very corrupt, and the comment often very obscure; yet I may fairly say that it forms the most valuable single factor in my materials. The MSS. of the text alone rarely divide the sūtras, and that is the chief difficulty in the more obscure parts of the text. For this, and of course also for the exegesis of many difficult passages, it has been very useful. It contains the explanations of a considerable number of Kauçika-words whose meaning has been either entirely unknown or m sunderstood. The additions and emendations to the lexicon will amount to about 150.

The work of establishing the text is now so far advanced, that I may expect to have the first part, containing text, list of mantras, and an index of all important words ready for print in the course of 1884. I shall then proceed at once to a second part, containing the translation, with commentary and an introduction.

Stichometry and the Vatican Codex B. By J. RENDEL

HARRIS.

In a letter dated October 21 of last year, Prof. Nestle, of Ulm, communicated to me with great courtesy his observations of the partial stichometry of the Vatican Codex, and as this discovery of the versemarks for successive hundreds on the margins of the MS. completely confirms my speculation that the line of Codex B was a half-hexameter, I take the opportunity of academically expressing my thanks to Dr. Nestle for his interesting information. The marks to which he draws attention are found in the four books of Kings and in Isaiah; where they run as follows: in i Kings from 100 to 800; ii Kings from 100 to 2300; iii Kings from 100 to 2800; iv Kings to 2300; and Isaiah to 3500.

The interval between successive hundreds is generally somewhat over 200 lines of the Vatican Codex, the average for the first of Kings being 220 lines; this indicates either as Dr. Nestle suggests that the MS. in this book was taken from a copy whose lines were a little over the compass of two Vatican lines; or, as I should content myself with saying, that they were measured by a standard line of just such a length as has been indicated; according to a previous remark of mine that the line of the Vatican Codex is a somewhat curtate half.hexameter.

Those who wish to study the stichometry of these parts of the Vatican MS. will find the numbers recorded intelligently enough as numeri centenarii, in the appendices to the great Roman edition of B.

These numbers are interesting to the paleographer on account of the curious symbols which they employ for 1,000, 2,000, 3,000 in place of the customarya, B, Y. For 900 an inverted arrow-head or anchor is used, but this form I find noted in Gardthausen, Palæographie, p. 266. The others I do not remember to have met with. It might seem at first sight that these new data would enable us to decide definitely between the two hypotheses of a line containing a given number (16) of syllables, and a line containing a given number of letters (36). This point I have not yet been able to settle with satisfaction: the first hundred verses in i Kings consists of about 1,656 syllables which seems to intimate that the reckoning was not made in strict 16 syllable rhythms, on the other hand from tox in Isaiah by actual count in the codex itself was found to be 101 sixteen-syllabled hexameters which is a very close equivalence.

It will sometimes be found, especially in the books of Kings, that the reckoning for special hundreds is wide of truth, and from an apparent method in the error, it seems as if the original count had been made twice over on some parts of the book, or on some of the original pages from which the book was reduced, or that some column or page has been missed; and in one or two instances the mark has been misplaced, which will not, however, affect the average result.

For the convenience of students of this somewhat out-of-the-way subject, I subjoin the references for the successive hundreds of stichi in Codex B, as given by the editors for the first book of Kings; remarking in so doing that in order to calculate the number of lines it is necessary

Notes on the Sinaitic and Vatican Codices. By J. RENDEL HARRIS.

[Abstract of a paper read at a meeting of the University Philological Association, January 7, 1884].

This paper contained a summary of the results of some recent investigations made in the two oldest MSS. of the Bible.

1. Some inaccuracies were pointed out in the common descriptions of the two MSS. with regard to the arrangement of the lines of the text. 2. An enquiry was made as to the probable contents of the six missing leaves of the Codex Sinaiticus between the epistle of Barnabas and the Shepherd of Hermus. Some errors and inconsistencies were pointed out in Scrivener's Introduction to the New Testament in the account given of the missing leaves and their probable text.

From the fact that a column is left blank at the end of Barnabas and that Hermas begins on the first leaf of a new quaternion, it was inferred that the lost writing was of the kind known as orixпpos, similar to that found in the poetical books of the Old Testament.

A calculation was then made of the space that would be occupied by the Psalms of Solomon written after the manner of the ordinary Psalter; and it was found that these Psalms which are equal to about 670 hexameter verses, would nearly fill the twelve missing pages. It was, therefore, inferred that they originally stood in Cod. Sinaiticus, as they are known to have done in Cod. Alexandrinus.

3. A careful analysis was made of the Ancient Chapter-Divisions in the Acts of the Apostles. The 36 lections exhibited by Codex B were shown to exist also with slight variations, in Euthalius' edition of the Acts: attention has already been drawn to this by Prof. Ezra Abbot in the Prolegomena to Tischendorf, N. T. (ed. viii). There seems to be evidence for connecting these chapter-divisions with Pamphilus and the library at Cæsarea.

The longer chapter-divisions which are found in both the MSS. and which also occur (as Dr. Hort points out, Introduction, 349) in Cod. Amiatinus, were next discussed

The Vatican MS. was shown to have missed at least one chapter in the process of numeration, and the Sinaitic MS. apparently desisted from numbering beyond the folio in which the disagreement with Cod. B occurs. The whole division was shown to be one of at least 72 chapters, being probably a duplication of the earlier system.

4. Some speculations were then made us to the place and time of production of the two MSS. Stress was laid upon points of contact of B and Euthalius, and Euthalius and the Pamphilian library; between B and Sinaiticus, and Sinaiticus and the same library; and by an examination of an assumed instance of subjectivity on the part of the Scribe of the Sinaitic Codex (Matt. xiii, 64, εἰς τὴν πατρίδα changed into εἰς τὴν ̓ΑντιπαTpida) it was inferred that both of these MSS. were written in the library of Pamphilus at Cæsarea.