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Note on the Early Stichometric MSS. By J. RENDEL HARRIS.
The more this question of stichometry is studied, the more evident does it become that the early MS.-form did not diverge far from the stichometric form in which each line represents the unit of measurement. For this form shows itself, not only in the Vatican Codex, and in process of degradation in Codex C, (whose lines average a hexameter in many pages) but in a variety of other MSS., Biblical and otherwise.
1. For example, in Mnemosyne x. p. 401, Cobet discusses the merits of the MSS. of Herodotus, and vindicates the superiority of Codex R (of the Vatican Library); he demonstrates that the errors of this MS. are mainly transcriptional, such as the omission of whole lines, &c., and by an examination of those dropped lines proves that R was copied from an exemplar which was written in lines containing 15-18 letters. That is, as we should say, written in half-hexameters. Cobet's conclusion is simply this: “In antiquo libro, unde R profectus est, versus erant litterarum 15-18.
2. The Clarendon Press has just issued, under the editorship of Mr. John Wordsworth, a transcription of the celebrated Old-Latin Bibletext known in the critical apparatus of the New Testament as g1; (Codex Sangermanensis primus). Upon p. ix of his prolegomena the editor remarks, "there are on an average 37-38 letters to a line." I shall have more to say with regard to this edition at a later date, and so content myself with remarking that the MS. is written in average hexameters; (M. Graux gave the average hexameter between 37 and 38 letters).
3. In the Itala Fragments published some time since by Zeigler, (and which are especially interesting as being the earliest MS. authority for the text of the Three Heavenly Witnesses), the editor remarks that his MS. is written in lines which average 36 letters. Here again is the unrecognized hexameter; and, by-the-by, although the version is stichometric, yet the old Greek reckoning is preserved, and at the close of 1 John we find 274 verses numbered in rubric. So that a separate count was not made for the new version.
4. In the treatise of Theophilus against Autolycus, which is a second century work, we find that Theophilus has occasion to quote large sections of Genesis from the LXX; and it has been pointed out by Lagarde in his edition of the LXX, that either Theophilus or his copyists (L. says the latter) have dropped a line of the text in copying the first chapter of Genesis. The note of the editor is as follows: "Usque ad capitis secundi comma 3 exscripsit Theophilus ad Autolycum ß 11, cujus librarii stichum unum qui est 3 kaì ¿yévero... 4 kaλóv incuria omiserunt," The omitted words are καὶ ἐγένετο φῶς. καὶ εἶδεν ὁ θεὸς τὸ φῶς ὅτι καλόν. Whether we abbreviate the word tɛóç or not, it is evident that this dropped line is a hexameter, being 37 or 39 letters. It appears, therefore, that antiquity when carefully interrogated affirms the stichometric form to have been largely employed. Other illustrations will no doubt present themselves in confirmation of this statement.
The Development of Verbal Parasynthetics in -a in the Romance Languages. By A. M. ELLIOTT.
[Abstract of a paper read at the meeting of the University Philological Association, December 7, 1883).
The object of this paper was to show the origin, growth, and tendency to decay of the Parasynthetic compounds in the Romance verb system. The relational a- forms were especially considered as faithful types of the whole class, and their existence was attributed in the outset to the disappearance of a special grammar category representing the causal notion in the early stages of Indo-Germanic speech. They are all factitives: they are drawn exclusively from the nomen-series, and are assigned to one of two conjugational schemes (I or II) according as they contain more particularly the active idea, or drift towards the absolute state as designated by the neuter. In their creation, we have a conscious effort to save the more forcible signification of the original verb-root (which signification was lost, so far as any external sign was concerned, in the tendency to the levelling process) by stamping it with a distinctive mark of causality in conformity with the analytic state of the language. They are original in their mode of production, but follow the strict lines of
tradition in their functions. A further reason for this special development was found in that other important element in the production of analytic speech, viz: the strong tendency to gain strength by lengthening the form. In their distribution and in their assignment to conjugational types, we note that the representative of the old Sanskrit causal class has incorporated most of them among its original members, some of which had already lost their primitive estate, while others continued to live on beside their ancestors of the Latin Il conj., e. g. sedare (sedere), clarare (Old Latin clarere). This is especially true of the substantival compounds, few of which have survived in the modern II conj. class. When they belong, as in certain cases they do, to both conjugational systems, it is generally with a difference of signification,-the active formula sticking to the I conj. scheme, while the neuter characterizes the II conj. So far as the I conj. is concerned, the modern languages have followed the Latin type which, still sensible of the causal force of I conj.forms, assigned its parasynthetic creations rather to this than to other conjugations. This was a favorite mode of verb-building in the Middle and Low Latin, and we naturally find the domain of such products very greatly extended as the analytic tendencies of the Folk's speech got a strong grasp upon the flexional system of the literary idiom. In the numerous denominatives of the mother tongue, such as nominare, mollire, etc., they had a model which already bore a factitive sense, and from which it was easy to pass, when the simple denominative failed them, to a compound form with a preposition.
With reference to the tendency of these parasyntheta to wear out, we find like phenomena in the earliest representatives of the Indo-Germanic stock. Already in the Sanskrit there was a confusion of form, if not of function, when the so-called X class causals were identical with the active primitive verbs conjugated like causals, but distinguished by no causal signification. In the Prâkrit, the digraph representation of the Sanskrit causal characteristic has been reduced to a single sign. In Persian as com. pared with the Zend, many of the causals, with the distinctive sign that clearly separates them from the simple verb type, have lost their force. But it is in the transition from the Indo-Arian to the Iranian family (the Pašto) that we find the most striking parallelism, both in mode of production and disposition to decay, with the Neo-Latin idioms. Here a periphrastic process has been adopted for the creation of its causals similar to what we have in the Romance Languages, except that the causal element, instead of being prefixed to the leading verbal notion, is hung on to it in the same way that the idea of futurity is expressed in French, Italian, etc. From this cursory glance at the early tendencies of the causal idea towards a reduction of form on the one hand, and a waning of strength on the other, we ought not to be surprised if we meet here in the Romance Languages, separated as they are by time and geographical position from the more direct sources of the language group to which they belong, even a stronger set of the current than the Indian idioms present towards a levelling of all barriers between the domains of causality and simple activity. This does not follow, however, to the extent which we might naturally expect; for, though there is a strong undertow in that direction, yet in no case does the shrinking process loosen the grip of I conjugational form on the full causal power.
On the Rights of a Greek Metropolis over its Allies. By C. D. MORRIS.
[Abstract of a paper read at the meeting of the University Philological Association, January 4, 1884].
E. Curtius, in his History of Greece (II 4, p. 219. Eng. Tr., ii, p. 498.) makes the statement that Greek colonies according to the most ancient usage were universally obliged to settle their legal disputes in the mother city. The object of this paper was to show that no such inference can be drawn from the passages which are apparently cited in defence of it, the only one of them which has a semblance of pertinence referring to a settlement which should be described as a κληρουχία, not as an αποικία. It was shown also that Heyne, Raoul Rochette, K. F. Hermann, Schoemann, and other writers, who have discussed the colonial relation, are unanimous in representing that according to the primitive usage, where no special reasons can be alleged to prove the contrary, the duties of a colony
to its metropolis were no other than those which natural piety imposed on a daughter in relation to her mother; and that this deference in no degree implied any right on the part of the parent state to trench on the political independence of its offspring.
Note on Mercator, v. 524. BY M. WARREN.
[Abstract of a paper read at a meeting of the University Philological Association, February 1, 1884].
Ovém tibi eccillám dabo, natam ánnos sexaginta.
B has tibi ancilla and A tibi ecillam, although the letters e and c are doubtful, Buecheler and Ribbeck agree that eccillam is impossible, and the former proposes aniculam, the latter auratam as an emendation. The Romans regarded the Apulian wool as the finest, cf. Varro, L. L. ix, 39; Pliny, N. H. viii, 48, 73; Columella, vii, 2, 3; Martial, xiv, 155. Based on these passages, the reading Apulam was proposed and by reference to Merc. 801, where B has anpillaspen for ancillas penum, it was shown that the reverse change from apulam to ancillam paleographically considered was not improbable. A fuller statement will be found in the notes of the next number of the American Journal of Philology.
Musical Notation Applied to the study of Blank Verse. By A. H. TOLMAN.
[Abstract of a paper read at a meeting of the University Philological Association, February 1, 1884].
Mr. Alexander J. Ellis (Trans. Eng. Philological Soc., 1875–6), says that English metres should be studied by marking the Force, Length, Pitch and Weight of each syllable of a passage, and by marking each Silence or Pause. He would mark nine degrees of each quality. But Weight cannot be understood as anything apart from both Length and Force, and Pitch is "entirely variable and individual" (Schipper, Englische Metrik). Length can be marked with a good degree of accuracy by the different musical notes. All important distinctions of accent can be indicated by the presence of the following marks over the notes which represent the different accented syllables: \, ', \, '', &c. Pauses which count in the verse-movement may be expressed by the different musical rests. Pauses which hold the verse-movement in suspense (cæsuras) can be expressed by the letter C, which can be made of different sizes according to duration, if desired.
Variations in the rate of movement can be expressed by underlining the notes, if the movement is retarded, and drawing lines above if it is accelerated. Mr. Ellis does not mark this at all. In all cases the actual reading of some individual should be recorded, not an ideal scansion. According to my reading, the first five lines (25 feet) of the Passing of Arthur, Light of Asia, and Paradise Lost, contain respectively 10, 12 and 15 simple iambic feet,
), &c. The most common substitutions
and for two feet, (marked by Mr. Lanier , and Most of these substitutions occur in these three passages. From these fifteen lines expressed in the above notation, most of the formal principles of free blank verse are made clear to the eye. Several of them were pointed out.
The Determination of the Ohm. By A. L. KIMBALL.
[Reprinted from Science, January 4, 1884].
The importance of having a uniform standard of electrical resistance is so apparent, that the establishment of a unit which shall be suitable for practical work, and will also satisfy the demands of electrical science, has
for a number of years been regarded by all electricians as of the first importance.
The requirements of such a standard are, that it shall be easily reproduced or verified; that it shall have a simple relation to the units of work, heat, etc., and therefore be based on the fundamental units of length and time; and, finally, that it shall be of so great resistance as to be suitable for all ordinary practical work.
In the year 1862 the British association decided that a unit of resistance based simply on the earth quadrant, or ten million metres, as the unit of length, and the second as the unit of time, would be of such a magnitude as to best satisfy the requirements of the case. Experiments were then undertaken by a committee of the British association with a view to the construction of standards which should accurately represent this unit of resistance, or ohm as it was called. Owing to some minor defects in experimentation, and to an unaccountable error in the determination of the co-efficient of self-induction of the revolving coil, their result was in error. This standard British association unit, as it is now called, is confessedly too small; but it is the basis of the so-called ohmcoils that are in current use. The latest experiments indicate that the value of the British association unit is .9867 ohms; this result having been obtained by Lord Rayleigh by two distinct methods, and by Mr. Glazebrook by still another method. But different observers still differ quite widely in their results.
The International Committee on electrical units, which met in November, 1882, in Paris, in view of the present unsettled state of the case, and the necessity for the speedy adoption of a suitable standard, decided that when the length of a column of pure mercury of one square millimetre section, and having a resistance of one ohm, shall have been determined to within one part in a thousand, the ohm shall then be defined as the resistance of such a column of pure mercury of the determined length; and the different governments represented were urged to prosecute experiments for the accurate determination of this length. For this purpose, among others, an appropriation of twelve thousand five hundred dollars was made by the last Congress of the United States. The work on the unit of resistance is under the charge of Professor Rowland of the Johns Hopkins University; and the experiments are being carried on in Baltimore, both at the university and at Clifton. Owing to some unexpected delays in the construction of necessary apparatus, the work that has been undertaken first is the determination of the specific resistance of mercury in British association units. This has been experimented upon by measuring the resistance of columns of pure mercury contained in glass tubes of various calibers and lengths, so that the resistances of the columns experimented upon range from one to ten British association units. The remaining part of the work is the determination in ohms of the resistance of the British association standard used in this determination of the specific resistance of mercury. Two principal methods will be employed for this purpose.
First, the resistance will be found by means of the mechanical equivalent of heat. The apparatus used by Professor Rowland, in his wellknown work on that subject, has been set up for this purpose. It is proposed to heat some non-conducting liquid, such as alcohol or turpentine, by means of the heat developed by the passage of the current of electricity in a conductor whose extremities are kept at a known difference of potential. The same heating will then be produced, under the same circumstances, by purely mechanical means; and the resistance of the conductor will thus be determined directly from the work-equivalent of the heat developed in the conductor.
The second method to be used is that of Kirchoff, as modified by Rowland in his determination of the ohm in 1876. The instruments will, however, be in large part new, and constructed expressly for this research; so that a new set of instrumental constants will be involved. A third method, the earth-inductor method of Weber, will also be used if time permits.
For these experiments it is proposed to use, as a source of electricity in the calorimetric method, fifty Planté cells charged by a small dynamo machine. For measuring large currents of electricity an electrodynamometer has been constructed, with the Helmholtz arrangement of two large coils and a single small suspended coil. The diameter of the large coils is about one metre: that of the small suspended coil is about twentyfive centimetres. There are two sets of large coils,-one wound with
large wire, about no. 8; and the other with much smaller, about no. 15. There are also two small suspended coils wound to correspond. This arrangement gives the instrument great power and range. The divided circle was made by Fauth & Co. expressly for this instrument. Four induction coils are to be wound in four parallel equidistant grooves, turned on the outside of a brass cylinder about one metre in diameter. These coils will each consist of about two hundred turns of no. 15 copper wire. This arrangement will afford great variety in the manner in which the several coils may be combined; for the inductive action of each coil upon each of the others may be taken, giving three simple combinations for each coil.
The trustees of the Johns Hopkins University have kindly placed the house at Clifton at Professor Rowland's disposal for the conduct of these experiments; and, as it stands in extensive grounds at a considerable distance from the road, it will be peculiarly suitable for delicate electrical experiments. Piers have been built for the different instruments, and a small steam-engine set up for supplying the power necessary for running the dynamo machine and the mechanical equivalent of heat apparatus. The actual experimentation will be carried on, under Professor Rowland's direction, by A. L. Kimball, assisted by H. R. Goodnow and Ensign Louis Duncan, U. S. N., the latter having been specially detailed for the work by the Navy department.
It may be added that one of the reasons which led to the construction of induction coils of such large diameter as mentioned above, is the hope of using them in a determination of the ohm by the method of Lorentz. Their large size will admit of the use of a revolving disk of more than half a meter in diameter.
It is hoped that a satisfactory conclusion will be reached by September, 1884.
2o. When two of the latent roots of m are equal, it is easy to prove that F'm is vacuous, and conversely, that when F'm is vacuous, two of the latent roots of m are equal, but when F'm is vacuous it is no longer permissible to drive it out of the equation, and accordingly the true statement of the theorem in question is that when m, n are two matrices of (any) the same order, such that mn= nm, n must in general be a function of m, but that this ceases to be true, when and only when m has two equal roots. The theorem requires further investigation in order to make out what happens when, or how it can happen that, two of the latent roots of one and only one of the two convertible matrices are equal; for supposing this to happen it would seem to lead to the conclusion that n may be a function of m, but m not a function of n; which, however, is not quite so paradoxical as it looks, inasmuch as in ordinary algebra a constant may be regarded as a specialized function of a variable, whilst a variable in no sense can be regarded a function of a constant. The following example of two matrices not functions of one another, but forming commutable products, has recently occurred to me in practice, and led to the discovery of the oversight I had committed in stating the theorem in question in too absolute terms.
easily be deduced from the fact that x2-p2x-2p= 0, so that if У any function of x, it would be reducible to the form of a linear function thereof, and consequently (on account of the zeros in the two matrices) y must be a multiple of x, which is absurd.
In like manner it will be found that y2-p2y-2p= 0, and that consequently x cannot be a function of y.
3o. Errata on pp. 33, 34 of Circular 28.
P. 33, col. 1, 1. 39, for latent invariable read latent variable ;-col. 2, 1. 13, for restore read resolve;-1. 8 from foot, after vibrations insert comma. P. 34, col. 1, 1. 4, after unity supply the words at all events when neither m nor n possesses a pair of equal latent roots; -1. 11, for +3cm2 read -3cm2;-1. 10, for -f read −g;—l. 11, l. 13 (passim), for g read h;— 1. 11, for 3em read 6em;-1. 13, for 3bmn read 2bmn;-1. 13, in numerator of fraction for em read — 2em, and after the fraction supply the words unless ma - 2bm+d is vacuous;-col. 2, 1. 5, before (MN)w-1 insert H; -1. 21, after respectively insert (to a numerical factor près).
(1–4) (1—, —,) ... . . (1 − 1) (1 − 1)
The limit, for x=∞, of
is easily seen, by the binomial theorem, that for all positive values of the first of these expressions is smaller and the second larger than this limit; hence we have at once, from (1) and (2), that n! is, for all values of n, included between nen-1 and n2+len—1.
To get a more accurate expression, we have only to employ the expan
sions of log (1-1)* and log (1-1)*~'; taking the arithmetical
- 1 Ums)x1} 2 ·1) (U11 · · · Umm) *
(2) The necessary and sufficient conditions in order that all the terms in this sum may have the same sign are that the determinants of even order (U1122), (U11 · . . 4) ... be all positive and those of odd order, u11, (u11... U33) have like signs. We may also obtain the conditions that zu be incapable of reduction to a sum of squares; or that it reduces to a less number of squares than it contains independent variables. Several theorems with regard to symmetrical determinants are also involved in (2).
The Degeneration of Unicursal Curves. By G. BIS
[Abstract of a paper read at a meeting of the Mathematical Society, December 19, 1883]. Taking 1, 2, 3 as trilinear coordinates and 6 and u as the arbitrary parameters, the conditions for the degeneration of the unicursal curve 1. Ox¡=a¡u” + b¡un−1 + c,u«−2+ ... .... li, -1 (i = 1, 2, 3), into a right line and a locus of the n- 1st degree were shown to be (ab)=0... (a,b2's) = 0. By then dialytically eliminating u and @ from the three equations I, we see that under these conditions the resulting determinant is equal to a mere constant times [(a,b,)≈1 + (A3h1)X2 + (α1bq)r]"; that is to say, a unicursal curve of degree u can only consist in part of a right line if it be that line counted n times over. It was also remarked that the discriminant of Ox; = a¡u2 + b¡u + ci, (i = 1, 2, 3) was equal to — 4(α‚b‚¤2)*. These results are of interest in the theory of Steiner's quartic.
Second Note on Weierstrass' Methods in the Theory of Elliptic Functions. By A. L. DANIELS.
[Abstract of a paper in the Amèrican Journal of Mathematics, Vol. VI, No. 3]. This second note is mainly an expansion and more minute exposition of the theorems in the first hasty sketch. The starting point of the whole theory is a functional problem which is in essence an addition theorem. The necessary limitations are there shown which exclude all except periodic functions in general. The next step is the complete determination of a function by means of its zero points and the condition that its only essential singularity shall be at infinity. In order that the function be periodic, the number of zero points must be infinite. If they form a singly infinite series,
o(u — a1)o(u — A2) . . . ¤(u—ar)
are of the form and we have the sigma function. All possible doubly periodic functions are then expressible very simply as sigma-quotients of the form ; the ordinary o(u — b1)o(u — b2). o(u—bs) elliptic functions corresponding to the special case, r=8= 2, a1 + ar b1+ b2. The sigma function is quasi periodic, and corresponds to the and of Jacobi. The second logarithmic derivative negatively taken is however a true doubly periodic function. A discussion of the four sigma-functions and their quotients will follow.
HISTORY AND POLITICAL SCIENCE.
A New Labor Problem in California. By C. H. SHINN. [Abstract of a paper read before the Seminary of Historical and Political Science, November 16, 1883].
This paper was a study of certain features of the social and industrial growth of the Pacific Coast, particularly of California, and was suggested in part by reports of several meetings which the fruit-growers of that State held last October and November. A strange state of affairs was shown to exist there, and a new labor-problem, entirely disconnected with the "Chinese Question," is thought to be close at hand. California has had a checquered economic career. In 1840 the country was a vast pasture, the Mission Padres owning sheep, cattle, and horses by the hundred thousand. By 1850 mining was the chief industry. Next came the era of wheat-farms over valleys formerly purely pastoral. But wheat grew less profitable, and what is now the peculiar industry of California attracted attention; there was a rapid horticultural development without parallel in any other country or in any other historic period. The soil had peculiar fertility, and the climate peculiar gifts. The sudden desire took possession of Californians to furnish dried and canned fruits, nuts, olive-oil, wines, raisins, etc., for the world's markets. An agrarian excitement arose. Land five hundred miles from San Francisco, in rough, rocky, brush-covered mountains rose to $60 and $100 per acre; students and laborers and clerks formed land associations; colony enterprises were very numerous, and some were grand successes, others were sad failures. In one case in the southern part of the State, land bought fifteen years ago at less than a dollar per acre is paying ten per cent. interest on more than $4,000 per acre to the fortunate colonists.
The excitement had a basis in fact, for the orchards already in bearing paid large sums. Vineyards, once unprofitable, made many persons independent. Twelve acres of apricots paid one man $35,000 in three years; the crop on one acre of cherry trees sold for $1.200. Such yields caused thousands upon thousands of vines and trees to be planted; in every county in the State small homesteads increased, and there was a hope that the large cattle and wheat ranches would soon be things of the past. The fascinations of the intensive system of horticulture, of tiny fruit-farms, beautiful homes, and luxuriant semi-tropic gardens were everywhere felt. Yet there was an unexpected danger ahead. Climate, rapid growth, treebearing in a few years, great fruitfulness, the enthusiasm that had rushed into horticulture so rapidly-these proved our bane. There was not enough labor. Fruit crops require a large force of men in summer, but few in winter; they need tenfold the force that ordinary farming does. In 1882 wages were higher than in 1881, and in 1883 have been still higher, though day's wages have always been greater in California than in any other State. Now, the fruit-growers say that there is no possible chance of having laborers enough to handle the crop of 1889, or 1890, even if no more vines or trees are planted. They say that twenty-fold the present labor force will be needed. California probably has about 120,000,000 grape vines, and 15,000,000 fruit trees now planted, and planting is going on with unceasing vigor. The products, too, that will aid in making this expected labor-famine are very numerous, flowers for perfumery, seeds, spices, gums, medicinal substances, and many crops that depend for profit on abundant hand-labor, industries capable of great extension if all the conditions are favorable. Machinery only accentuates the disparity between the winter-need and the summer-need; it cannot gather fruit, nor pack it for shipment. A wheat farm of 600 acres employs three or four men, and annually produces from $9,450 to $18,900 in wheat; a fruit-colony of 600 acres needs 60,000 trees to plant it, spends $180,000, perhaps, before it is profitable, and then the annual sales of fruit products may equal or exceed $600,000. The fruit-colony will need a village of laborers, unless the separate tracts are very small indeed. Letters to the State Horticultural Society have rated gross sales of fruit per acre at from $400 to $2,000. It seems as if much higher wages might be paid, but so much labor is required that if wages were doubled the profit would be annihilated.
The Horticultural Utopia that California dreamed of was one where a body of laborers twentyfold the land-owning population should spring from the soil, work in the summer months, and disappear from view the rest of the
year. There are few manufacturies; the towns, outside of three or four like Oakland, San Jose, and Sacramento, are mere villages; the question of what to do with laborers during the winter months is a very perplexing problem in practical economics. A strong effort will be made to train boys from San Francisco (the "Hoodlums ") into habits of industry, and make them useful grape-pickers. The leading growers will build cottages and establish families in a sort of feudal fashion on small lots near them, and there will be an effort to bring laborers from Europe-Italians, Germans, and Norwegians.
The paper then discussed the effect upon the State of this probable over-production, and lack of labor, which had checked the monopoly of fruit-lands and the formation of immense fruit-farms, and which would help the development of small orchards and colony enterprises, leading in the process of time to a varied and mutually-supporting system, no longer one-sided, as in the past. The hope for California is, that out of all this, a form of society based upon intensive horticulture, irrigation, colonies, ownership of small tracts, and much out-door life, will be developed.
Indian Money as a Factor in New England Civilization. (A Chapter in the Economic History of New England). By W. B. WEEDEN, of Providence, R. I.
[Abstract of a paper read before the Seminary of Historical and Political Science, November 9, 1883].
There was an intimate intercourse between white and red men in colonial life during half a century, which largely increased the resources of the new communities. After the commercial, industrial, or purely economic element in this life had worked itself out, there was little wholesome or prosperous intercourse between the two races. The efforts of the colonists to turn the natives to another civil and religious system, to tear them out of aboriginal life and plunge them into the Hebrew-European living of the new comers to civilize them into copper-colored Puritans— failed, and, from the nature of the case, must have failed.
Wampum consisted of beads or cylinders made from the solid parts of sea shells-white wampum from the periwinkle, black from the quahog— with much labor and artistic skill. Wampum had a constant commercial value in barter among the natives, and after the colonists took it up, it became a true currency in all transactions. As Morton said in his New England Canaan, 1632, "Sell for this Wampampeak, because we know we can have beaver again of them for it." This desire of the natives made it virtually redeemable in beaver, as long as they had furs in abundance. It played back and forth in aboriginal and colonial trade, becoming quite as useful as silver. Specie was needed in Europe and drifted away, while the shell money remained a sure basis of trade, as long as the native could produce after his fashion, and keep up the demand for his peculiar money.
In 1641 it was a full legal tender under £10 in all New England. Massachusetts refused it for taxes in 1649, but kept it otherwise current until 1661. It was in common use, not in "country pay" like grain and produce, but as money in small sums until the close of the century. It was found thus used in 1704.
It is not easy to comprehend at first thought the Indian idea of these beads. Their economic value appears in these transactions, but underlying this, there was a mystic or symbolic value. Embroidered on belts and garments for personal adornments, beads also entered into every aboriginal ceremony, being cherished as are jewels in civilized life. Association converted these pictured symbols into history, a mnemonic record. Facts were talked into the belts, then they were laid away in council houses, to be taken out and read by interpreters to future generations. The Iroquois had no other records for their incipient empire.
The life of the two races could not commingle, despite the effort of good Christians like Eliot and Williams. Colonial life was based upon civil law as well as upon Christianity. The totem system of clan organization was a rude civic system, which sundered the native from the European, even more widely than their religions separated them. The essay further showed the conflict of these systems, which finally destroyed the weaker race, and with it the trade and intercourse which wampum built up.
The Guild Merchant.
An Introduction to English
[Abstract of a paper read before the Seminary of Historical and Political Science, November 23, 1883. The paper was a brief English summary of a German thesis on the "Gilda mercatoria, Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte der Englischen Städteverfassung." The original thesis was suggested by the late Professor Pauli. It was accepted as a doctor's dissertation in Goettingen, and was there printed in 1883, 109 pp. oct
The study of the English municipality by itself is well adapted to prepare us for the study of American institutional history, not only because it is the natural introduction to the history of the American city, but also because, when approached in the proper spirit, it comprehends the study of the local institutions of England in general. The materials for the investigation of the English municipality have not yet been properly investigated. It is a promising field of original research even for Americans. The following is one of a series of investigations on this subject made by Dr. Gross preparatory to the study of early American institutional history.
The Gilda Mercatoria, or Guild Merchant, probably originated shortly after the Norman Conquest, which gave an impulse to the domestic and foreign commerce of England. Out of 160 boroughs existing between 1295 and 1307 at least from 80 to 90 were provided with this brotherhood. It was a very characteristic and not a mere fortuitous feature of English municipal government in the middle ages. In no other country was it so powerful or so prevalent. At the head of the guild stood an alderman and his four colleagues. The latter in some places were called scabini or custodes (skevins or wardens). Sometimes we find merely two senescalli (stewards) at the head of the organization. These officers had charge of the property and monies of the society. The alderman of the guild must be distinguished from the highest executive officer of the borough (the mayor or provost or bailiff). The Guild Merchant was a very important but only a specific and subsidiary part of the administrative machinery. Most of the burghers were members of the Guild Merchant, but not all of them. Non-burghers were also in the guild. Thus the prevailing opinion that "men of the guild" and "men of the borough are synonymous terms, is untenable. No one has even attempted to answer the fundamental question just what were the functions of the Guild Merchant, what was its raison d'être. Briefly stated it was that department of municipal government which regulated commerce. It had the power to monopolize the trade of the town. Only its members could buy and sell on the most favorable terms. It laid such restrictions upon traders who were not of the guild, as it thought most consonant with the prosperity of the town. The two privileges of the brotherhood most frequently emphasized were the right to sell at retail and freedom from tolls and duties (at least excessive tolls and duties) in buying. Thus the functions of the guild and consequently of the alderman and his four skevins were economic; but the chief functions of the mayor or provost or bailiff of the town with his council of twelve or twenty-four were judicial. On entering the guild the new member promised to be "in scot and lot" with the burghers. This duty of being in scot and lot is as inseparably connected with the conception Gilda Mercatoria as the corresponding privilege of participating in the trade of the town on the most favorable footing. "Scot and lot" here signify what was originally implied in the term "scot" alone. In other words the principal thing required of the guild-brother was a money contribution whenever the town coffers needed replenishing. The most important part of our subject is, perhaps, a consideration of the influence of the Guild Merchant upon the origin of the English municipality and of the later legal conception of the English municipal corporation. This would lead into details beyond the limits of this abstract. The influence of the guild in the directions above indicated has been exaggerated. What has been said of the Gilda Mercatoria refers mainly to the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. In the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries a great change took place. In some towns the guild had completely disappeared. In others it was transformed into a mere social and religious brotherhood, having no public functions whatsoever. In others the later Merchant adventurers became its lineal descendant. In many towns it continued to vegetate, but it was no longer the old Guild Merchant. The alderman had vanished. The guild had no longer its own clearly defined functions. It had been, as it were, absorbed or lost in the