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has been strengthened and raised a point in the scale of phonic production. This is a special trait of the Old and Folk's language in Spain. The same tendency to raise the weak vowels we find illustrated in the Old Latin by the vacillation between e and i in such forms as tempestatebus, mereto compared with the classic tempestatibus, merito. In the Spanish Folk speech it was the e-form that was kept, and especially at this period of the language pretonic i was constantly represented by e, as in Cecilia (for Cicilia), dejiste (for dijiste), etc. Again, the more common raising of the vowel power from e to a is in accordance with the usual Spanish dialect influence e. g. Amilio Castalar (for Emilio Castelar), Ajercito (for Ejercito), used by the Folk in Castile, and is especially marked in the moulding of Nahuatl forms to suit the requirements of Spanish flexion or to satisfy the demands of Spanish euphony.
In seno = O. Sp. sines, senes, we have e = o just as in the modern obispo (Episcopus) or the Old Spanish romanecer (Mod. Sp. remanecer).
For the consonantal system we find, for the most part, certain classes only affected, namely, the gutturals and sibilants. In the first title itself of the Baile we have the aspirated Nahuatl h of huehue, "old man," passing regularly into the medial guttural, similar to the transference of the Gothic h from Teutonic to certain parts of the Romance soil. The lowering of the vowel u to ü, together with this gutturalization of initial h, is a mode of dealing with the initial hu that is found in various districts of the Spanish peninsula, but it is especially the Asturian who always says güertu, güeso for Castilian huerto, hueso, etc.
In the Cuban dialect there is no difference in the pronunciation of the graphic signs c, z, 8, all of them being the simple sibilant 8. So, too, x and s interchange in the Nahuatl-Spanish e. g. Silguerio (for Span. Xilguero). This x at the time of the conquest of Mexico was = English sh or Arabic , and hence its origin as the notation of an unknown quantity. Arabic
(šai) "thing" (= Italian Cosa), used for this purpose, was
In its morphology the Nahuatl-Spanish separates itself more clearly from the modern language than in its phonology. The Mexican has had little influence here so far as the individual word is concerned. In the nomenseries old Spanish forms with special dialect influence are the chief factors that constitute the difference between the new mixture and the Castilian of to-day.
But it is especially in the verb that we note the most striking characteristics both of a stage of language older than the present Castilian and of the extensive play of dialect power.
The most interesting peculiarity of the verb formation is seen in the future tense, which is built up almost exclusively in the regular periphrastic manner of the Romance languages, save that the component elements are not welded together, that is, the auxiliary is kept distinct from the infinitive by the relational de, so that we have ha de hablar, ha de ser, etc. It is thus we have the special idiomatic futures that represent "duty, intention, design, possible possession," passing over sometimes into a state of verbal action which does not bear these special significations. There are only a very few infinitival types in this whole play where the parts are bound together into a single whole, and these simply serve to denote indefinite future conditions without any limitations whatever.
In the new word-building of this dialect we find the same modes of procedure which come up in the adaptation of Teutonic roots to Romance uses. But with all the changes of both phonology and morphology we do not have the dialect character of the "Güegüence" so well established as in its syntax. It is here especially that we find the extended influence in certain cases of the native idiom and again witness more directly than any where else the strong drift towards a strictly agglutinated form of language in which all flexion has disappeared and where nothing but the context serves us in trying to discover the thought of the writer.
This paper will be found in full in the forthcoming number of the American Journal of Philology.
*Cf. Paul de Lagarde: Woher stammt das z der mathemateker? Gött. gel. Anz., 1882, No. 13. Prof. Paul Haupt was so kind as to call my attention specially to this article.
On the Angelology of Hermas. By J. RENDEL HARRIS. There is a passage in the Shepherd of Hermas, Vis. iv, 2, 4, which has occasioned a great deal of perplexity to the commentators. Hermas is met by a fierce beast with a parti-colored head, which beast symbolizes an impending persecution or tribulation, and makes as though it would devour him. But the Lord sends his angel who is over the wild beasts, whose name is Thegri, and shuts the mouth of the creature, that it may not hurt him. Oxypí according to Gebhardt and Harnack is 'nomen inauditum'; it appears in the Vulgate Latin as Hegrin, and in the Palatine version as Tegri. The Ethiopic translation has Têgêri. Jerome seems to have read Tyri since in his comments on Habac., 1, 14, we have “ex quo liber ille apocryphus stultitiæ condemnandus est, in quo scriptum est quemdam angelum nomine Tyri præesse reptilibus." Much ingenuity has been expended over the origin of the word and in particular the following is the solution of Franciscus Delitzsch, as given in Gebhardt and Harnack's edition: “Si sumi possit, Hermam nomen angeli illius ex angelologia Iudaica, hausisse, quæ angelos maris, pluviæ, grandinis, etc., finxit iisque nomina commentitia indidit, Oɛypí idem est quod ???(???) instimulator, h. e. angelus, qui bestias (contra homines) instimulat atque, si velit, etiam domat (Taggar = dissidium, discordia; cum î = Tigrî, quod bene transcripsit H.: vɛypí), etc.”
I assent to the Hebrew origin of the name, but am unwilling to explain a 'nomen inauditum' by a 'nomen vix auditum.' A more simple solution suggests itself; if for 0 we write o, according to the confusion common in uncial script, we have Eɛypi for the name of the angel; which immediately suggests the root, to close. The angel is the one that closes or shuts This is immediately confirmed by the language of Hermas, ὁ κύριος ἀπέστειλεν τὸν ἄγγελον αὐτοῦ τὸν ἐπὶ τῶν θηρίων ὄντα, οὐ τὸ ὄνομά ἐστιν θεγρί, καὶ ἐνέφραξεν τὸ στόμα αὐτοῦ ἵνα μή σε λυμάνη.
If any doubt remained as to the correctness of this solution it would be swept away by reading the passage in Hermas side by side with the LXX of Dan., vi, 23: ὁ θεός μου ἀπέστειλεν τὸν ἄγγελον αὐτοῦ καὶ ἐνέφραξεν (19) τὰ στόματα τῶν λεόντων καὶ οὐκ ἐλυμήναντό με.
The curious parallelism of the language employed in the two passages is decisive as to the etymology, and further we may be sure that the language of Hermas is an indirect quotation from the book of Daniel.
The result arrived at is an important one in many respects, and has a possible bearing upon the genealogy of the MSS. and versions of Hermas; so far as we are concerned we may simply say that those copies and versions which read @cypí or any variation of the same bear conclusive marks of a Greek original. It might seem unnecessary to make such a remark, but the fact is that grave suspicions have been thrown out in some quarters as to the character of the original text of Hermas. Upon further consideration I am inclined indeed to conclude that all the versions came from an original copy which read teypi, for even the Vulgate Latin which has Hegrin seems to have arrived at it by dropping the reduplicated T in the words NOMEN ESTTHEGRI. There is however, another way in which the Latin variant might be explained; for, as Dr. Haupt points out to me, we have a similar transformation in the Hebrew Dpp (2 Kings, xviii, 34), which appears in Berosus as Zionaрa, in Ptolemy v. 18 Einpapa, but in Pliny vi. 123 as Hipparenum.
Historical sketch of Syriac Literature and Culture. By A. L. FROTHINGHAM, JR.
[Abstract of two papers read before the Society for the study of Shemitic Philology. January 13 and February 28].
The Syriac language is of especial importance from the position which it took at the time of two great religious revolutions: the conversion of the East to Christianity and the rise of Mohammedanism. In the first case it became the sacred language of the converted Eastern peoples, and in the second it was the means of communicating Greek culture to the Arabs.
During the early period of Christianity Syriac came into general use among the converts of Armenia, Persia, Arabia, and was even propagated by colonies to Hindustan and China. This universal use was facilitated by the fact that versions into Syriac of nearly all the works of the Greek Fathers were made at early dates: in fact many of their important writings have been preserved only in Syriac, e. g. Melito, Ambrose, Hippolytus, Theophania and Martyrs of Palestine of Eusebius, Festal Letters of Athanasius, &c.
The earliest work of importance is the version of the Bible called Peshitta, probably made at the beginning of the second century. Bardesanes and his son Harmonius, and Tatian the Assyrian are important writers of this century, and in the following, Mani wrote mostly in Syriac, as we know from many Eastern and Western authorities.
The fourth century was the golden age of the literature, when the language obtained a settled standard of taste, especially under the influence of the numerous writings of Ephraem.
An impulse to literature and learning was given by the Nestorian controversy in the fifth century which heresy was so vigorously supported by the famous "School of the Persians" at Edessa, that it was closed by orders of the Emperor Zeno (489) and its professors transferred their penates to Nisibis and Seleucia in the Persian Empire.
Connected with Nestorianism was the influence that Greek learning began to acquire over Syria, which led to the close study of the best writings of antiquity, favored by the leaders of the schools or universities. These universities had a great influence, not yet sufficiently appreciated, on the tendencies of the age; they were numerous and existed not only in the cities but attached to the principal monasteries. Their privileges were great and they were generally quite independent. The most noted were those of Edessa, of Nisibis for theology, and of Gandisapur for medicine: the great majority provided for a general liberal education. It is recorded that the students at Nisibis under Hanan (sixth century) numbered fully 800. The sixth century was a period of great literary activity: the most prominent writers were James of Sarug and Philoxenus of Hierapolis, both belonging to the Monophysite sect. Now, for the first time, was attention given to the writing of history. Material was at hand in the precious archives of Edessa which existed from the beginning of the Christian era: some use was made of the documents there preserved by the anonymous Chronicle of Edessa (c. 540). The histories of Zacharias Rhetor and John of Asia are of value, especially for Eastern history.
An abrupt change was brought about by the Mohammedan invasion, which, although it by no means put an end to the literary activity of Syria, yet strongly influenced its development by the gradual extinction of the Syriac language among the people. The influence of Arabic began to be felt almost immediately after the conquest, although, of course, first in administrative and commercial centres.
In order to guarantee the purity of Syriac, the school of purists founded by Jacob of Edessa (710) found it necessary to establish a standard of taste and to express by written signs the mechanism of vowel pronunciation, until then left unexpressed. This movement was accompanied by an increase of Greek influence; and the combination of this with the gradual inroads of Arabic soon marred the idiomatic beauties of the language.
The Syrians had already become divided into two great camps, the Nestorian and the Monophysite or Jacobite, and each had its great centres of education and special literature. The influence of the Nestorians was greater, especially with the Arabs.
At this time many schools are founded by Syrians at Bagdad, and to these the Arabs flocked to learn the wisdom of the Greeks. From the eighth to the tenth century the Christian Syrians are the acknowledged masters of the Arabs: many like Honain, Isaac, John bar Mesue, &c., obtain fame by translating the Greek standard works on philosophy, medicine, mathematics, astronomy, geography, mechanics, &c. The Khalifs of the dynasty of the Abbassidae gloried in their munificent patronage of Syrian learning: the royal physician was invariably a Syrian, also the royal treasurer and other officers, and even governors of cities and provinces.
While Syriac literature declined in taste it acquired more scientific tendencies. Philosophy became one of the principal studies: that of Aristotle was mainly followed and many commentaries were made of his writings. Grammar and lexicography also began to receive considerable attention, and at first Greek and later Arabic models were followed. Historical studies also assumed more importance: Jacob of Edessa, Dionysius of Tellmaḥre (c. 775), Thomas of Marga (IX), Michael the Great (1090), and Gregory Bar'ebraia (XIII), form a long chain of writers on history who are recognized as of standard value.
Since the tenth century Syriac learning had fallen very low: in the thirteenth the Patriarch Bar'ebraia made an attempt to restore life to it, but even his scholarly genius, though embracing all branches of learning, did not succeed.
T. L. Beddoes, a Survival in Style. By HENRY WOOD. [Abstract of a paper read at a meeting of the University Philological Association, November 2, 1883].
The man and his writings are so nearly forgotten, and copies of his works so scarce, that the article gives a few particulars of his life as an introduction. These serve also to explain in part the fact that Beddoes' writings, in spite of the laudatory reviews which even the earliest of them forced from every critic who took the trouble to read them, never really impressed his own age, and have been regarded as lying outside the range of English dramatic literature, the productions of "a strayed singer." The article is not further concerned with the faultiness of this traditional literary estimate of Beddoes, which sufficiently appears in the course of the investigation. Its object is to show that the style of Beddoes' writings (aside from certain peculiarities) is in the national and historical sense thoroughly English: a remarkable example of the survival of the main characteristics of such a style, in undiminished vigor, in the nineteenth century. For convenience of comparison, the Anglo-Saxon epic poetry and Shakspeare are taken as representing the two most important periods, and the similarity of Beddoes' style is shown in detail. The question of constructive power, or of the general canons of style is not entered upon, the comparison being mainly one of figures of speech. It is not assumed that Beddoes completely represents his own age. But on the other hand, his own letters and the character of his works prove him to be no imitator nor Shakspeare reviver, his vocabulary and constructions are thoroughly modern, and he profoundly admires three modern poets, Shelley, Wordsworth, and Keats. The comparison of Beddoes' style, or of any strong English style, with the intensely subjective Anglo-Saxon epic-lyric style has its difficulties, but it is plain that the prime characteristics of the A. S. metaphor recur in a marked degree in Shakspeare's and Beddoes' use of that figure, while the two latter agree surprisingly in their handling of the simile, which the A. S. scarcely used. An extended list of epithets, or kennings, is given from Beddoes, and with them are compared similar ones from Shakspeare, the A. S. Genesis, Exodus, Beowulf, and from Old Norse. A very close coincidence is revealed, and in many instances both Shakspeare and Beddoes are found to be as Anglo-Saxon as are the Anglo-Saxons themselves, in regard to the nature and scope of their epithets.
The article of which the foregoing is an abstract is published in full in the American Journal of Philology, Vol. 4, No. 16.
The concluding part, treating of fully expressed metaphors, similes, etc., will appear in Vol. 5, No. 18.
A Note on Partitions. By G. S. ELY.
[Abstract of a paper read at a meeting of the University Mathematical Society, March 19, 1884].
From the partitions of any number, n, can be formed the partitions of n+1, by the addition of a unit to each of the parts of each of the partitions of n, which is less than the previous part. Thus, for example, from the partition of 10, . . . 5, 2, 2, 1, can be generated the following partitions of 11— 6, 2, 2, 1; 5, 3, 2, 1; 5, 2, 2, 2; 5, 2, 2, 1, 1. Then it is evident that any partition of n, will, in this way, generate as many partitions of n + 1, as there are parts of different values in the given partition of n, plus one: and that any given partition of n + 1, will be generated from the partitions of n, as many times as there are parts of different values in the given partition of n + 1. It is furthermore evident that if two partitions of n are conjugate, the partitions of n + 1, which are generated from them, will be conjugate.
If the total number of partitions of n be of parity opposite to the total number of partitions of n + 1, then there has been a gain in the number of self-conjugate partitions of n+1, over that of n, provided that n is greater than one. Passing from 1 to 2 there is evidently a loss in the number of s. c. p. (= self-conjugate partitions). But in any other case than n = 1, let us consider a s. c. p. of n. The point at the end of the principal diagonal and the points immediately adjacent to it must have one of the two forms:
where the dotted line is the principal diagonal. In the first case we can place an extra point at the end of the diagonal and thus generate a s. c. p. of n+1. In the second case we may place an extra point at the end of the first line and remove the point from the end of the diagonal and place it at the bottom of the first column: and thus generate a s. c. p. of n + 1. Thus it is evident that every s. c. p. of ʼn may be used to generate a s. c. p. of n + 1, and from the manner of generation it is evident that different s. c. p.'s of n will generate different s. c. p.'s of n + 1. Thus the two s. c. p.'s of 8 are
which generate the s. c. p.'s of 9,
Therefore the number of s. c. p.'s of n + 1 cannot be less than the number of s. c. p.'s of n (n> 1). Therefore when the parity of the whole number of partitions changes in passing from n to n + 1, there is a gain in the number of s. c. p.'s (n > 1). And in such a case the gain must be a gain of an odd number of s. c. p.'s. It is of course possible that there should be a gain in the number of s. c. p.'s in passing from n to n + 1 where the parity does not change, but such a gain must be a gain of an even number of s. c. p.'s. For example, in passing from 23 to 24 the parity does not change, but there is a gain of two s. c. p.'s, i. e., from 9 to 11.
If we examine Euler's table we see that the parity of the whole number of partitions changes in passing from 2 to 3, from 7 to 8, from 11 to 12, from 14 to 15, from 16 to 17, from 18 to 19, from 19 to 20, etc. Hence as 2 has no s. c. p., the numbers from 3 to 7 inclusive must have at least one s. c. p. each; from 8 to 11 at least two each; from 12 to 14 at least three each; 15 and 16 at least four each; 17 and 18 at least five each; 19 at least six and 20 at least seven. Constructing the s. c. p.'s by the method which Dr. Durfee has given we find that 20 has just seven s. c. p.'s. Hence the numbers from 2 to 20 have just the number of s. c. p.'s which has been given.
Unicursal Curves of Degree n + 1 in n-flat Space. By G. BISSING.
[Abstract of a paper read at a meeting of the University Mathematical Society, March 19, 1884].
The relation connecting the parameters of the points of intersection of a plane unicursal cubic and a right line is known. Taking then, by analogy, the unicursal curve of degree n + 1 in n-flat space,
Oxjaj, un +1 + aj, zun +2 + ...aj,n+2
(j = 1, 2... n + 1), we wish to find the k conditions that n+2-k of its points, say u1, u2... un +2―k, should lie in an n— -k flat; (k=1, 2... n).
I define A1, A... An+2 as the determinants of order n + 1 obtained by omitting respectively the first, second... n + 2d column from the matrix of the coefficient of the above system of n+1 equations, and (u), as the sums of the homogeneous products of u1, u2... .uj... uz taken j at a time. The k conditions are then
A1 + A2(U1)n + 2 − k + A3(U2)n + 2 − k + . . . An + 3 − k (Un + 2−k)n + 2 − k = 0, A2 + A3(1)n+2−x + As(Ug) n + 2-k+... An+ 4 − k (Un +2 −k) n+2x=0,
where the bracketed u's are to have the suffix n+1 attached. This determinant, however, evidently reduces to
A1+Ag(1)n+1+ A3(U2)n+1+... An + 2(Un+1)n+1 = 0, which is then the relation connecting the parameters of any n+1 points which lie in an n- 1 flat.
Solving this equation for un +1 we get
— [A2 + A3(U1)n + A4(U2)n + ... An+2(Un)n]Un+1=
A1 + A2(U1)n + A3(U9)n + ... .... An+1(Un)n.
Now, in general, n points determine an n- -1 flat, and therefore for a definite system of values of u1, U2... Un we get a definite value of un +1. If, however, these n points lie in an n-1 flat, there are an infinity of n — 1 flats passing through them which therefore cut the curve in an infinity of points, and we can have no definite value of un +1. The two conditions that the n points u1, u1⁄2 ・ ・ ・ un should lie in an n-1 flat are, therefore, A1 + A2(U1)n + An +1(Un)n = 0, A+ Aз(1)n+ An+2(Un)n = 0.
And so on in general.
I add that Mr. E. Weyr has obtained these relations for the case n = 3.
Additional Notes on Icaria. By ALBERT SHAW.
[Abstract of a paper read before the Seminary of Historical and Political Science, March 21, 1884].
In the University Circular for November, 1883, the writer gave an abstract of a paper on the career of Étienne Cabet, the French communist, and the founding of the Icarian Community, the history of which was traced from its disastrous experience in Texas and its brief residence in New Orleans, through the period of its successful existence at Nauvoo, Illinois, to the quarrel and division of the community, and the unhappy death of Cabet in St. Louis in 1856. The present paper continues the story of Icaria from 1856 to 1884. The minority, 180 in number, who had followed Cabet from Nauvoo to St. Louis only a week before their leader's death, were left in sorry straits; but they resolved unanimously to persevere in their enterprise and remain together. They purchased an estate called Cheltenham, in the suburbs of the city, and were known as the "Cheltenham Community." Their men were tailors and shoemakers, and worked in the city. The Community was weakened by a disagreement between those wishing a democratic and those wishing a dictatorial government. The civil war gave the finishing blow, and Cheltenham ceased to be.
The majority, who had remained at Nauvoo, were left with embarrassed finances; and the panic of 1857 forced them to make an assignment of their property. They retained, however, a tract of land in Adams county, southwestern Iowa, whither they removed, depleted in numbers and crushed by debt. Up to 1876 their story is a monotonous record of hardship, perseverance, and gradual recuperation. In 1877 they were on a sound material basis and their prospects seemed flattering in every way. Just at this time, however, the Community was entering upon the crisis inevitably involved in transferring the enterprise to the hands of a second generation. There arose two parties, the old party, or conservatives, and the young, or liberal party. The latter advocated more vigorous propaganda and a freer policy in the matter of admissions. The difference had been accentuated by the arrival of a number of French Internationalists, most of whom had been active participants in the Paris Commune of 1871 and all but one of whom joined the young party. Amicable adjustment failing, the young party carried the strife into the courts and succeeded in obtaining a nullification of the charter of incorporation, on technical grounds. The estate (of nearly 2,000 acres) was divided between the parties and they re-organized into two
autonomous communes, the young party securing the name "Icarian Community" and the old party adopting the title "New Icarian Community." The paper proceeded to describe the industrial organization and social life of the two communities as seen by the writer on visits paid in May and October, 1883. The community of the old people is small in numbers and does not give great promise of growth.
Several members left the young party about 1880 and went to Cloverdale, Sonoma Co., California (near San Francisco), where they purchased a fruit farm and arranged for the development of a large communistic society on Icarian principles. The remaining members of the Iowa party of the young people have now formed a contract of union with the California Icarians, and are about moving thither. This new colony bears the name "Icaria-Speranza," the latter name being added in honor of the distinguished socialist and philosopher Pierre Leroux, who wrote a sketch of an ideal society which he entitled "Speranza," and whose nephews formed the nucleus of the California colony. Fruit-growing seems a business peculiarly well adapted to a communistic society of Gallic origin, and the future history of "Icaria-Speranza" will be awaited with interest. The remaining portion of the paper contained a series of personal sketches of various Icarians of the past and present, many of whom have been remarkable characters and have had curious and noteworthy careers. Among those described are: A. A. Marchand, J. B. Gérard, A. Picquenard, P. J. Favard, M. Mercadier, Eugene Mourot, Émile Fugier, E. F. Bettanier, Antoine von Gauvain, A. Souva, Émile Peron, J. Laforgue, A. Tanguy, S. Dereure, Charles Levy, Jules Leroux (pére), Pierre Leroux (fils) and Jules Leroux (fils), Adam Dehay, and Émile Bée.
The Beginnings of Connecticut. By CHARLES, H. LEVERMORE.
[Abstract of a paper presented to the Historical and Political Science Association, March 28, 1884].
I.-The Dutch and the Pilgrims. In the valley of the Connecticut river Dutchmen and Englishmen first wrestled earnestly together for the possession of the New World. The colony of Plymouth became, in the main, a trading corporation, reaching out one hand to the Kennebec and the other to the Connecticut. Still more exclusively upon an economic basis was the settlement at Manhattan. Dutch traders blazed the way where Englishmen afterwards followed. After Adrian Block's interesting voyage of exploration in his American-built yacht, "The Unrest," there are accumulating evidences of the presence of Dutch traders and settlers upon the "Versch," or Connecticut river. Of these evidences New England historians have either been ignorant or contemptuous. Out of the invaluable treasures of the Holland Documents proofs are drawn of a Dutch settlement upon the river so early as 1623. The deposition of the Walloon, Catelina Trico, in 1688 concerning the fort at "Harford river" is especially important. When Isaac De Rasier headed an embassy from Fort Amsterdam to Plymouth in 1627, and smote upon the ears of the quiet villagers with “a great noyse of trumpeters," the English obtained their first knowledge of the Connecticut valley, and were invited to share it with the Dutch. The English were also urged to visit the river by Indians, one of whom "had lived in England with Sir Walter Raleigh." In the correspondence between the two English colonies, and with the agents of the Lords States-General upon the question of jurisdiction, the Massachusetts Bay Colony played the part of the dog in the manger. In 1633 Plymouth was at Windsor, side by side with New Amsterdam in the race for pelf and peltry. The influx of Massachusetts emigrants soon after crowded both the rivals to the wall. The correspondence between Governor Bradford and the Massachusetts authorities shows too much ill-temper for the successful preservation even of the usual devout forms of expression. Plymouth colony had planned to remove bodily to the lands thus wrested from her. But of contention she had already had enough at Kennebec. It was feared, as Hubbard says, that "they all and the Gospel might be brought under the reproach of cutting one another's throats for beaver." David Peterson DeVries' account of his visit in 1639 to the Dutch fort, "The Hope," at Hartford, affords a lively picture of the numerous undignified squabbles between the Dutchmen and their English neighbors. There is an amusing story of the international fraternizing over a feast of cherries at the Dutch fort, and of the escape of a drunken Englishman from the whipping-post on account of
that temporary era of good feeling. The Dutch cherry trees unfortunately could not bear fruit all the year round. Ill-feeling increased in intensity until the seizure of the fort in 1653, and its sequestration two years later. II.-The Massachusetts Bay Colony at Connecticut. Out of a political and religious fermentation which pervaded every portion of the Massachusetts Bay Colony, there arose a social element, demanding democratic reform in the State, and Separatist reform in the Church. The political defeat of Winthrop and the colonization of Connecticut were two prominent results of the new movement. The central figure in the popular party during the conflict was the Rev. Thos. Hooker, the father of Connecticut. He was self-centered, magnetic, and a firm republican. In mildness he was surpassed by the even-tempered Winthrop, but his warm sympathies inspired him with a belief in the People that seemed foolish to the sagacious Governor. In public spirit and tolerant disposition he shows to advantage by the side of his rival, "the flexible Cotton." Against the conception of Roger Ludlow's character embodied in the new edition of Bancroft's "History," a protest must be filed. The testimony of his own life proves him to have been a selfish, ambitious, vindictive man, doomed to be rejected in the end by both Massachusetts and Connecticut. The democratic tendencies which are traced throughout Connecticut's constitutional development provoked much dolorous moralizing from Winthrop, who mourned that Mr. Hooker's work must "lack the blessing." Connecticut's treatment of Indians deserves a special word of commendation. Such has been the magic force of legend and of poetically inspired school-histories, that, for a century, the youth of America have heard, with awe and shame, the voices of the Delaware redskins, chanting "We will live in love with William Penn and his children, so long as the sun and moon shall shine." More than one colony surpassed Pennsylvania in a policy of kindness to the savages. Connecticut Indians live to-day upon lands that belonged to Sachem Uncas. During the contentions with Massachusetts that ensued upon the quarrel with Magistrate Pyncheon of Springfield, Connecticut appeared as the first American champion of the doctrine of "Home-instructions to representatives." A view of the economic life of the colony down to the time of the Revolution justifies that impression of slow and sure growth which is suggested in Connecticut's sobriquet "The land of steady habits."
III.-The Colonies of New Haven and Saybrook. A survey of the early fortunes of New Haven and Connecticut reveals the former declining from affluence to comparative poverty, while Connecticut rises from distress to comfort and power. The causes of these phenomena are to be found, not in New Haven's peculiar polity of the Church and State, but in economic conditions, in the fruitless endeavors to build a commercial metropolis on the edge of a wilderness. The complete history of the Saybrook Colony has never been written. The story is one of attempts, not of realizations. It was the only endeavor to colonize Connecticut under English chartered rights. The prospects of the colony and the purposes of its owners, Say and Sele, Pym, Hampden, Saltonstall, and the rest, varied with the fluctuating fortunes of the Puritan party in England. The first settlement was made, not at Saybrook, but at Windsor, in 1635, by Sir Richard Saltonstall's company. The letters of the knight bear abundant witness to the utter overthrow of the new foundation by the in-rushing tide of Massachusetts immigration. His just claims were finally satisfied in 1642. Massachusetts tried to use the Saybrook colony as a lever for weakening the independent position of Connecticut. The younger Winthrop's authority as Governor of Saybrook facilitated this purpose-until the time of the arrival of Col. Fenwick. Fenwick's expectations became disappointments, and, in 1644, after a separate existence of nine years, Saybrook was absorbed by the colony of Connecticut farmers.
List of Coleoptera found in the vicinity of Baltimore. By O. LUGGER.
[Abstract of a paper read before the Baltimore Naturalists' Field Club, January 16, 1884].
Although lacking a large river, the banks of which have proven everywhere such an excellent field to collect specimens of natural history, and which are always rich in species of beetles, the vicinity of Baltimore is by
no means an unfavorable locality for coleoptera. Nearly every variety of soil and surface can be found within a short distance from this city. High and wooded hills with steep or gently sloping sides; broad valleys and narrow ravines, with many streams and thousands of springs; rocky hill-sides and sandy spots abound everywhere, and produce all the necessary conditions for the existence of animal and vegetable life, thus affording a very rich field for the collector. The districts along our tidewater again are the homes of many species not found elsewhere in this vicinity.
All the usual methods of catching beetles have been resorted to. Sieving, beating, sweeping, and the different traps in vogue among coleopterists, all have produced their share of species in the following list.
also been bred in cages constructed for this purpose. By collecting very early in spring and late in autumn, and even during sunny days in midwinter, many species were obtained that belong to the Canadian fauna, and which otherwise could not be found in this vicinity.
The following list is the work of eight years' collecting, and contains 2259 species. It includes by no means all the species that can be found in this region, and judging from those found near Washington, fully 700 more will be found in time.
The arrangement of families followed in this list is that of the late Dr. Leconte and of Dr. Horn, published two years ago by the Smithsonian Institution.
Preliminary Notice of the Gabbros and associated Hornblende rocks in the vicinity of Baltimore. By G. H. WILLIAMS.
In view of the limited number of occurrences of typical gabbro which have thus far been described within the United States, it may be interesting to briefly notice two well marked types of this rock that are to be found in the immediate vicinity of Baltimore. Inasmuch as their mode of occurrence promises to throw additional light upon one of the much mooted questions of archaean geology, viz: the origin of lenticular bodies of hornblende rocks, so often interbedded in the old gneisses, the full description of these gabbros, which their geological importance warrants, must be postponed until a more complete study of their field relations is possible.
An irregularly oval area to the west and northwest of the city of Baltimore, whose greatest length, extending from the Patapsco River to Smith's avenue, is about 10 miles and whose greatest width is about 5 miles, is covered with a compact black rock, locally known as "Niggerhead." Although at first sight this all seems to be alike, a more careful examination reveals the fact that there are three altogether distinct kinds of rock within this area. By far the most common of these is a very compact mixture of dark green hornblende and anorthite, which frequently shows unmistakable signs of stratification. Associated with this rock, which we will call an anorthite amphibolite, is another of a dark purple color and quite massive in its character. This latter is most frequent toward the centre of the area, its best exposures being along the line of the Western Maryland Rail Road near Mount Hope. It seems to occur in irregular patches of all possible
dimensions, always surrounded by the amphibolite, between which and it there is never a sharp line of contact, but everywhere a gradual transition. A microscopic examination of the purple rock from all the principal points of its occurrence shows that it is an exceedingly fresh, fine grained mixture of triclinic feldspar, diallage and hypersthene, with accessory hornblende, magnetite, apatite, and very rarely olivine. Its structure is altogether granular or granitic, and the rock is therefore to be defined as a hypersthene gabbro or hyperite. The feldspar was isolated and proved to be from both an optical and chemical examination, bytownite, a member of the triclinic series between labradorite and anorthite. It is not otherwise remarkable, except for the presence of beautiful inclusions, so characteristie of the feldspar of gabbros. The diallage is without crystalline form, of a light green color in the section and devoid of all pleochroism. The hypersthene, whose orthorhombic character is easily proven in cleavage pieces, is strongly pleochroic, the colors being arranged as usual, and contains its characteristic inclusions in great perfection. Aside from these essential constituents there is often present a brownish-yellow hornblende, which is undoubtedly original and not paramorphic in its nature, as is abundantly proved by its occurrence in the freshest and most unaltered. specimens, and the fact that it is of a totally different character from the really paramorphic hornblende to be described farther on.
The hornblende rock or anorthite amphibolite retains throughout the entire area a constancy in its petrographical character quite remarkable for a member of the crystalline schists. The only observable differences are slight local variations in the coarseness of grain and distinctness of stratification. It always shows in a hand-specimen a satiny lustre, and is seen under the microscope to be composed of a triclinic feldspar and confused· aggregates of amphibole, possessing the green color, strong pleochroism, and all the other properties of common hornblende. The feldspar was isolated and found to be nearly identical with that of the gabbro, although in the special specimen examined, slightly more basic. In its chemical constitution and optical properties it agreed better with anorthite than with bytownite. Epidote was frequently observed in nearly colorless crystals, generally forming a rim around and projecting to the feldspar. Quartz is very rarely present, and never except in minute quantities.
It will be seen at once that the association of these rocks is precisely similar to that at several well-known European localities, where they have of late been the subject of much careful study. Near Rosswein and Penig in Saxony lenticular masses of hypersthene gabbro occur imbedded in hornblende schists, and from their peculiar structure are called "Flasergabbros." Naumann regarded them as eruptive, but Stelzner, Credner, and Dathe consider them as metamorphosed sediments. Reusch has lately described the same association and structure at Bergen in Norway, where he considers the rocks to be metamorphosed lava streams and tuffa beds. Becke has also described the same formation in Austria. The Baltimore gabbro area gains therefore much in interest by its close similiarity to these classic European localities.
Whether the shape of the masses of fresh hypersthene gabbro in the Baltimore region is as a rule lenticular or not, it is difficult to say. If they are, the great size of the larger ones and the steeply tilted position of the hornblende beds would cause them to appear rather as alternating bands, and in the case of the smaller masses the close similarity in the general appearance of the two rocks and the absence of any sharp line of contact between them renders the assigning of any definite limits to such masses nearly impossible. The general impression conveyed is that of quite irregular patches of gabbro occurring in the compact amphibolite and everywhere passing by imperceptible gradations into it.
The association of these two rocks is so intimate and the transition of one into the other so gradual, that the idea of the subsequent origin of the gabbro, as a mass intruded into the amphibolite, is out of the question; on the other hand they both retain their essential characteristics throughout the entire area, in spite of their intimate mixture, with far too much constancy to allow of the supposition that they were originally interstratified sedimentary beds whose different constitution furnished, when metamorphosed, these two different products. In fact the separation of these rocks has only a petrographical interest. Geologically they form one body as is shown, aside from their close field relations, by the great similarity of their chemical composition and the fact that the area they occupy is so sharply defined against the gneisses and mica schists which surround it. Whatever