point-blank against them both-bishop's violent language against the church-it is safer for one man to steal a horse than for another to look over the hedge.

• Conclusion. The bishop and the author convicted-can any one be a member of the church of England-wisdom of the articles for christian communion-conclusion.'

From the contents alone, the reader will be inclined to expect at least some amusement from these half serious, half-jocose epistles; though he may disapprove the manner and differ from the sentiments of the author.

ART. XI, Annals of the French Revolution; or a chronological Account of the principal Events; with a Variety of Anecdotes and Characters hitherto unpublished. By A. F. Bertrand de Moleville, Minister of State. Translated by R. C. Dallas, Esq. from the original Manuscript of the Author, which has never been published. 8vo. 4 Vols. pp. about 450 in each. 11. 10s. Boards. Cadell jun. and Davies. 1800.

A Supplement to the Annals of the French Revolution, &c. &c.; or Observations upon the critical Remarks of M. Mallet du Pan in his Review of that Work, &c. By the Author of the Annals. 8vo. 6d. Cadell jun. and Davies. 1800.

Correspondence between M. Bertrand de Moleville and the Hon. Charles Jumes Fox, upon his Quotation of the Annals of the French Revolution, in the Debate in the House of Commons 3d Feb. 1800. With a Translation, by R. C. Dallas, Esq. 8vo. 1s. 6d. Jordan Hookham. 1800.

WH

HETHER We consider the French revolution as a meteor which, though vivid in its corruscations, blazes only to expire; or as a chaotic mass, of which the particles, however agitated and heterogeneous, must gradually subside, and ultimately constitute a well defined and regular whole;-in whatever light we view this event, its history must continue for ages to be extremely interesting; and both philosophers and politicians will have recourse to it, in illustrating the science of politics, and in superintending the affairs of nations. Yet of actions in which so many millions have been engaged, there will be a variety of reporters; and where the conflict has been maintained with every passion, in its fullest energy, that could inflame the human breast, we cannot expect from either party the calm decisions of impartiality. Whoever at present attempts to delineate this varied picture will throw over it the warm colouring of his own prejudices and passions; he will contemplate events through a disturbed medium; and a thousand strokes will discover undè movetur opus.

As

As M. Bertrand de Moleville had opportunities of seeing and knowing much relative to the Revolution, his Annals will be consulted by the future historian; though he may not uniformly adopt the epithets by which the events are described, nor assign them to the same originating motives. We observe, however, an evident desire of stating things with accuracy; and the author has brought together and preserved many papers, speeches, and anecdotes, which will render his work a valuable book of reference *. It contains forty-five chapters, and includes a period of three years; commencing with the retreat of the Archbishop of Sens in August 1788, when Louis XVI. engaged to convoke the States-General; and concluding with the dissolution of the first National Assembly, on their passing and on the king's accepting the Constitutional Act, in September 1791.

This short period has produced more matter which is calculated to excite the passions of party-men, and to awaken the reflections of speculative minds, than ordinarily occurs in the history of nations in the course of a century.

The French Revolution is here ascribed to Philosophy, to the American War, and to the appointment of a Minister born a Republican, as its primary causes but one of the events which immediately contributed to excite it and bring it into action, M. Bertrand considers to be the death of Marshal Biron, Colonel of the French Guards in Sept. 1788; who was so beloved by his men, that it is supposed that their affection for him would have preserved them, while he lived, from every revolutionary impression and innovation. We are not competent to decide on the force and extent of military attachment. Soldiers will no doubt be greatly influenced by a commander whom they love and esteem: but in preventing popular and revolutionary ferments among them, more, perhaps, is effected by discipline than by affection; and mere regard to a leader is not likely to obstruct the progress of prevalent opinions, when circumstances contribute to agitate and convulse the minds of

men.

To the convocation of the States-General, and to that series of events which elevated the Tiers Etat into consequence, and in fact annihilated the two other orders by their union with it, we may attribute the more immediate, progress of the French Revolution. Either through fear or bad advice, or both, the Monarchy at that critical period was betrayed into measures which it was afterward unable to retrieve, and which led to

* See also a former publication by this author, Rev. vol, x N. S. p. 121, and 423.

its complete overthrow. These measures are minutely detailed in the volumes before us; interspersed with such reflections as a writer of M. Bertrand's connections may be supposed to indulge. Considering the variety of ways in which this revolutionary dish has been served up to the public, it will not be expected that we should follow M. Bertrand through the contents of every chapter; nor prolong this article by comments on each dubious fact or opinion: but we shall attend to a few important facts.

In his account of the attack and storming of the Bastile, the author has not mentioned particulars which have been related by other historians: but we cannot undertake to pronounce how far his correctness is to be impeached. The demolition of this prison was certainly accompanied with circumstances of horror and atrocity, which the advocates for strong or despotic governments are warranted in producing as proofs of the fickle and sanguinary temper of the mob. After having stated the. cruelty and want of faith which were manifested in the butchery of the Governor, and in the treatment of the soldiers who submitted to the populace on the capture of the Bastile, M. Bertrand thus proceeds:

It was with great difficulty that the French Guards who had taken charge of these prisoners, saved them from the fury of the people, and carried them as far as the Hotel-de-Ville. They led them into the Hall where the Electors were holding their sitting. One of those pretended Magistrates, a worthy representative of the cannibals, who from the Place-de-Greve were roaring out for fresh victims, was brutal enough to say to these wretched prisoners, the moment he saw them appear, "You have fired upon your fellow-citizens; you deserve to be hanged, and hanged you shall be immediately."" Ay, ay," echoed a thousand voices, "hang them all; away with all of them to the lantern!" This sentence of death, however, was not executed, being prevented by the interposition of the French Guards, one of whom addressing the Electors said, "These soldiers are our prisoners; we request they may not be taken out of our hands. If our services have been useful to you, now is the time we wish to receive the reward of them, by having our prisoners pardoned." The acclamation of Pardon! pardon! repeated by all the French Guards who had escorted them, was also vociferated by that very crowd who the moment before were making the Hall resound with the most sanguinary cries. The History of the French Revolution will furnish many other examples of the extreme rapidity with which the populace pass from the excess of barbarity to mid and humane feelings; they are ever tigers or lambs, according to the impulse given them, and never one or the other by halves; to do every thing for them and nothing by them*, is the counsel that wisdom gives to every Government; to

*This is one of the maxims of La Rochefoucault. Rev.

do every thing by them and nothing for them, is the secret of every Revolution.'

The account of the Federation on the 14th of July 1790 concludes with this remark: Thus was celebrated this famous festival, the striking solemnity of which will for ever perpetuate, to the disgrace of France, the memory of the falsest oath ever taken; for all who took it have been forsworn, the king only excepted. Alas! he paid dearly for that fatal fidelity!'

In chapter 36, the character of Mirabeau seems to be clearly developed; and, after the account of his death and funeral, in chap. 38, it is thus sketched by the Annalist:

• Mirabeau possessed so robust a constitution, such extraordinary strength, that it was very generally suspected that he had been poisoned. But he was opened, in presence of several of the faculty, by his own physician, who was affectionately attached to him, and not the slightest appearance of poison was perceived. For near a month before, his health, which he never took care of, had been much impaired by frequent attacks of the colic, and the disorder that proved fatal was the natural and immediate consequence of a debauch which he had carried to the greatest excess.

Thus died this man, who was possessed of qualities doubtless very rare, but the most fatal when not the most valuable. He had sufficient energy, sufficient ambition, and more talents than necessary to fill the highest offices with great eminence; in a word, to be a Great Man, if the violence of his passions and his love of money had not always rendered him a contemptible one, and often a rascal. It would be very difficult to select a single period of his life free from errors or crimes. If he had not died so soon, he might, by important services, have repaired a part of the mischief he had done; he might perhaps haye saved the Monarchy: but Providence, who sometimes suffers the wicked to triumph and to oppress virtue, very rarely permits the ignominious path of wickedness to lead to that of real glory. The extraordinary honours decreed to Mirabeau by the Assembly and the Capital, were but of short duration, for they were granted for criminal services, for a conduct much less deserving praise than contempt and punishment. Had they been the reward of the intentions and of the plas which had occupied his mind for the last three months of his life, they would have been immortal; because they would have been the homage and the recompence of virtue."

The fourth volume contains a number of curious and interesting particulars relative to the schemes which were devised for liberating the King, to his fatal flight, and to his conduct after his return to Paris. A plan conceived by M. de Montmorin is here given, which he is said to have presented to his Majesty, when ignorant of the King's design of setting out for Montmedy; and which, had it been adopted, would (according to M. Bertrand) have less hazarded either the dignity or the safety of the Monarch, and would have presented a better

prospect

prospect of effecting a gentle and advantageous counter-revolution.-The plan was this:

M. de Montmorin, who secretly kept up a daily correspondence with the Count de Mercy, was to commission him, on the part of the King, to invite the Emperor to form, as soon as possible, a feigned coalition with the Empire, Prussia, Russia, Spain, and the Kings of Naples and Sardinia, to declare, but not make actual war against France.

This coalition once formed were to publish a manifesto, the chief grounds of which, pointed out in the plan, should be the maintenance of the rights of the Princes who had possessions in France, and the common interest of all the Powers, to stop a revolution, the principles and manoeuvres of which tended to nothing less than the subversion of all the Governments of Europe.

At the precise period in which this manifesto was to be published, the Emperor, the Kings of Prussia, Spain, and Sardinia, were each to put his army in motion, and order it to approach the frontiers of France, by short marches, under the pretence of waiting the assembling the troops of the other Powers, but, in fact, to give the King time to prepare the different measures in the interior, which were to concur in the success of the plan.

These measures consisted essentially in neglecting nothing to augment the King's popularity, and to undermine that of all the Factious; to endeavour, by every possible means, to influence the Assembly and the Galleries, the Municipality and the Sections, the Jacobin Club and the National Guard, and to support and carry the motions that circumstances should require. A sum of two millions, distributed with judgment, would have been sufficient to secure these points; for, except a very few fanatics, misled by the revolutionary rage to a degree of madness, there were hardly any of these pretended pure patriots, who were not to be bought at their full value, that is to say, at a very low price.

The declaration of so formidable a preparation for war, at a moment when the French army, deprived by emigration of its best officers, was entirely disorganized, must naturally excite a general sentiment of discontent and terror, which it would be easy to turn entirely against the Assembly. The King alone, exempt from all reproach worthy of all confidence, might, by means of negociation, avert the scourge of war with which France should seem threatened, or at least place the country in a situation to repulse the enemy; and this he might effect by going in person to re-establish subordination in the army, there calling upon all the Emigrant Officers to return to him. This wish was to be addressed to his Majesty, not only by a great many Departments, by the Journalists, the Clubs, the groups of the Palais-Royal, but also by the Army itself; and their petition being supported in the Assembly by all the members of the CotéDroit, by a considerable party of the Coté-Gauche, and by the galleries, could not fail of being favourably received and granted. The King might then have set out without any obstacle for Metz or Valenciennes, according to the position of the hostile armies.

On

his