talks and the first honest elections since the Second World War. What are you expecting of your conversation, of your forthcoming conversation now, with the General?

The President. Well, obviously, we've got a baseline. We have point of departure,

because with respect, he gave me probably disproportionate amount of time. I was the Vice President; he was the head of the whole country. And thus, I remember with sincerity what I thought was great courtesy to me. And through that courtesy, we had more than a passing conversation; we had a conversation about a lot of things that now have changed. We even had a chance to talk about Solidarność with Jaruzelski, his knowing my view and his making very clear to me his view at the time.

Now there's been an evolution of views. And what I think we ought to do is pick up from where we started and then say: All right, we've come along here. We want to help you in an economic sense. Some of

that won't be easy, because the concept of reform-economic reform-to get full cooperation from these international institutions, monetary institutions, is essential. And I expect he'll be saying, I've tried to make reforms, and don't push me too far on all this.

And I'll understand that, but I'll say: Please understand my position. We want to help you with OPIC; we want to help you with privatization; we want to help you in the international institutions and with special trade benefits. But we need to know that you're going to be able to not only continue existing reforms but expand on reforms so that the economic system that works will be given a chance to work unfettered. And that's a big key, and that isn't easy for a lot of regimes all around the world. It's not just Poland and Hungary and Eastern Europe; it's many countries.

Q. I have, Mr. President

The President. In fact, he might; and if he did, that would be fine. I'll tell him what we're trying to do about it. And one of the things we're trying to do about it is to live within our means, and that gives us less money available to do many of the things I'd like to be doing around the world, you know. So, then we're kind of on a catch-22 on that one. [Laughter]

Q. I sometimes get the impression that both sides, Poland and the Western alliance countries, are expecting too much from each other. The West is expecting from us to change the system, to change the economic system, to introduce pluralistic democracy and, at the same time, to preserve the necessary level of stability and prevent the country from collapse. On the other hand, our country expects from the West such a significant assistance that would make all these changes possible to happen in a country which is so heavily indebted and its economy is in such a mess.

The President. Well, I think you raise a very interesting point-and very carefully phrased, I noticed. But that's why I keep saying I don't want to exacerbate tensions. I don't want to make competing forces move apart inadvertently. I don't want to say something that would complicate the move that is taking place towards democratization and economic reform. I feel confident enough that both of those things are necessary for Poland-for Poles to enjoy the free

doms that I think most Poles aspire to. But I'm not going to say hey, you've got to have a Senate with 100 people and a Congress with 435 and a President and a Vice President and 50 States. I mean, that's our system.

But I am going to say we've got common thoughts here. I think of the Polish people as treasuring freedom. I think of them fighting-having a tough go there in World War II and standing up to the hordes that finally just were too much. I think of the patriotism of Poland. I think of the affection that Americans of Polish heritage have for Poland.

And I'd like to try to have the interlocutors, the people I talk to-whether they're labor or whether they're in the regime— understand that we want to help and that we do admire the changes that have taken place, and not put it into a great East-West mode all the time. We have problems. I'm keeping my eyes open, but we're going to try to improve relations with the Soviet Union.

But I can't look at these outrageous differences in conventional forces, for example, and then say to everybody in the United States, hey, we don't need to be concerned about Soviet intentions. They're modernizing their intercontinental stuff, their nuclear weapons. They've got disproportionate advantage in conventional forces. And so, I'm not going to be naive in suggesting that we have no differences between us, as it relates to the Soviet Union. And when Gorbachev talks about a European house, we say, yes, but let all the doors be open; let it be done so people can move from room to room in that house-and that shouldn't antagonize anybody.

Q. Mr. President, you have been known as a conciliator, as a consensus-builder, as an adversary of extreme solutions. Can we write that George Bush, the President of the United States, is unequivocally in favor of an evolutionary change in Poland without outbursts, without breaking down of the dialog among the different social forces? Can we write that?

The President. Yes, you can write it. I don't want you to write it in such a way that I seem to discourage those who may have differences. In other words, I don't

want to discourage those that h and are trying to get in, those participate over the past man elections and are now able to p don't want to endorse the sta mean, that's not my role. Nor d do what you're talking about question asked about, which is

tensions.

What I want to do is say, "I we stand for." Here's what States stands for; and here are tions for a relationship with Union, which obviously is the there. And here are my asp Poland that come from my hear can feel it strongly-how those to our country from this country their homeland. And I'd leav Ziggy, rather than try to endors quo. But I have to exhort and e much economic reform as possib political freedom as possible. An do that, I will not be leveling Polish people, and I will not good President for my own-for States.

So, I don't think it's as delicate before, but I—and it's important have no hangups when Gorbach Germany or France-fine, let hi better hand he gets and the b received there-they're saying, Keep it up!" Keep what up? Ke ing up; keep changing up. Who thought you'd hear lively debat own political process 2 years doesn't bother me as Preside United States that he gets a goo on the applause meters over the ern Europe. Nor should it bother I take this message of freedom a racy to Eastern Europe. In my doesn't come under the heading ness, just as it doesn't come unde ing of mine if he goes to France

ny.

And so, it's in that vein I go to petitively. Saying you want o Fine. Let's get all the rooms open all move around in there. And le what works in the economy, wha terms of free unions, what work

of free politics. And we think we can speak to that because we've had some success. We're not saying we have no problems in the United States, but in these things moving around, freedom to say what you think, freedom to form a union, freedom to have a voice in the politics by the people-we think we know what we're talking about there. We want to share it with you. So, it's in that spirit that we'll be going.

Q. Mr. President, I think that Daniel has one personal question for you. Just one.

Q Mr. President, last question of a little personal character. If you were a young Pole, would you now queue in front of an American consulate to emigrate to the United States, or would you rather stay in Poland and fight the difficult fight there? The President. Well, I don't know what a young Pole would be thinking, but what I think-what I'd like to think he'd be thinking-is, look, I'm living in a time of dynamic change. This is the time of most hope for my country in a long, long time. And I want to be a part of it, and I want to participate. I want to run for election; I want to join a free association; I want to be a part of a government to bring economic relief to my people. And I want to see Poland appreciat

ed around the world-its art, its culture, its heroism. And I want-I, young guy Stanislaw, whatever my name is, at 21 years oldI want to be a part of this. And that's the way I'd like to do it-that's the way I would hope that some young kid could look at it.

Now, maybe that's a little much, because in economically difficult times, people kind of think, hey, the grass looks a little greener over there; the ocean doesn't look quite so wide. If I could just make it to Chicago, maybe I could do something. But even if he makes it to Chicago, he's got to have, beating in his heart, the love of his homeland. And so, I would hope that most would say, look, I want to be a part of the change that I feel in the air, you see.

feelings. Nevertheless, I have confidence that the American people will continue to express their deeply held convictions on this subject within the bounds of civility and our legal institutions.

Note: In "Webster v. Reproductive Health Services" the Supreme Court ruled that States had the power to restrict abortion on demand.

The President and Mrs. Bush extend their sympathies to the family of Andrey Gromyko and to Mrs. Gromyko. Andrey Gromyko's career paralleled the course of U.S.Soviet relations for nearly 50 years. As Ambassador to the United States, as one of the architects of the United Nations, as Foreign Minister for nearly three decades, and finally as Chairman of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet, Mr. Gromyko knew every

U.S. President from Franklin George Bush and every Secret from Cordell Hull to James Ba Gromyko's death marks the p generation that witnessed many historic events of this century.

The U.S. Government extend lences to the Government and the Soviet Union and to Mrs. Gr

Accident

July 4, 1989

Following is a statement by Mark Weinberg, press secretary to former President Reagan, issued this afternoon in Los Angeles:

"President Reagan was examined at Bliss Medical Center in Sierra Vista, Arizona, today following a minor riding accident at a private ranch in Mexico. The horse President Reagan was riding bucked wildly several times on a rocky downhill slope and eventually stumbled. X rays taken today revealed no serious injuries, and physicians who examined President Reagan report he is in excellent condition. President Reagan is comfortable and in good spirits and joked that the incident was 'my own private rodeo.' At Bliss Medical Center, Mrs. Reagan was visited by June Scobee, wife of Challenger pilot Dick Scobee, who came by to wish the Reagans well and to tell Mrs. Reagan how much she appreciated her support and special kindness at the time of the

Challenger accident. President return to the ranch today, wh celebrate Mrs. Reagan's birthday before returning to Los Angeles of the week."

President Bush was notified d Reagan's riding accident earlier noon by the Secret Service bef for afternoon boating. The infor sketchy at that time, but Pres was assured that President Reag ceived only minor injuries. Pres is obviously relieved that Pres gan's injuries are minor and t plans are for President Reagan leased from the hospital today Bush will call President Reagan propriate time. President Bu boating at this time, 6:15 p.m. pected to return soon to Wal Mrs. Bush has also been infor incident.