will be delighted when I go to Poland and when I go to Hungary, for we will be wellreceived in those countries.

So, we shouldn't view the relationships between East and West or between the United States and the Soviet Union on who seems to be popular at the moment. We're not going to get into the international poll business, even though I read with keen interest a recent poll taken by the U.S. Information Agency or somebody of that nature pointing out that the standing of the United States I'll try to be modest-was pretty darn good in Europe following the NATO summit. But I would make a tremendous mistake as President of the United States if I was concerned about Mr. Gorbachev's popularity, vis-a-vis my own, in terms of some poll; it's irrelevant.

What's important is how are we going to handle these major questions that were asked here: arms control or economic recovery, and freedom and democracy in Eastern Europe. These are the questions. And I might add parenthetically-you mentioned those figures or standings-I don't know whether you're accurate or not. But even if they are, it doesn't mean I ought to go to Eastern Europe to try to go one-up, try to establish a popularity level in Poland or Hungary. That's not what sound foreign policy is about. We want to see these countries in Eastern Europe move more down the road towards democracy, down the road towards freedom.

And so, I have to resist getting into this popularity thing, other than to say I'm pleased-I mean it-I am very pleased that his standing is good in Europe, because that enables us then to work not only bilaterally but through NATO and the Pact to improve things for the people. So, it doesn't really

concern me.

Polish Reforms and Western Assistance

Q. Mr. President, Solidarity has asked for Western aid of some $10 billion over 3 years to fend off what they call economic disaster. Is there any realistic prospect of the Paris summit coming up with that kind of sum from the West?

The President. I do not want to go into sums, but I doubt that there will be an instant grant of any $10 billion. But the

summit, the G-7, will be addres themselves, to this concept of w do to help economic recovery. Bu these countries as I said in m statement-though, I think there recognition on the part of the S leaders and the part of the G leaders from all stripes in Poland nomic reform is essential if through multilateral institutions o ly, can do its utmost. Economic essential if we're going to be ab the way we'd like. But I hadn't $10 billion figure from Solidarn don't want to raise expectations b think we can achieve such a num thing of that nature.

Q. Solidarity began as a trade u nization. Do you see any realist economic reform that is not go clude the kind of unemployment tion which would damage the int trade union members?

The President. Well, I would ho foresee a kind of reform that include higher inflation. And I th seen in our own country reasone by trade unionists, and I would those positions would set some ex others. So, economic reform mu compass ever-higher inflation. It's just the other way, and that m straint on some demands at so along the line. And I have a feelin Solidarność leaders understand darity leaders—and I expect we w cussing that.

Q. Mr. President, do you thin The President. No Americans. Two Americans-go ahead. [Laug Eastern European Reforms

Q. Do you think, Mr. Preside Paris the G-7 can reach a comm on encouraging democratic reform ern Europe? And in your opinion should this position be?

The President. Well, I think we accommodation. But the last ought to do is appear to be dic fine-tuning the political processe countries. I have a respect, buil experience in foreign affairs, for

nal affairs of another country. So, what we ought to do in the summit, and what I ought to do as President of the United States when I go to Poland and to Hungary, Is say here's what we aspire to. We find that privatization is the best way. We find that more market forces in the economy is the best way. Here's our record; here's why we feel it is best. Clearly, if there's lingering questions of human rights and exodus of people and these questions that the United States and our Western allies feel very strongly about, we ought to articulate those. But we ought to stop short of telling them-because we couldn't get agreement between ourselves, I might add-on how the political process works.

I'm not going to go over and say, now, what you need is a Democratic Party and a Republican Party, and you people over here be in one and you in another. I don't want to do that, and I don't want to be a part of that at the summit. But in terms of principles, we ought to say: Here's what works; here's what has been effective. And then I can be saying to myself-and it's objectively right that you lighten up as much as you possibly can on human rights-that you have as much participation as possible by the people in the political process.

So, it is a fine line here of spelling out what we find, as the G-7, the best politics and the best way without, on the other hand, dictating on the internals of Poland and Hungary as they lead the pack in Eastern Europe towards reform. We want to keep it going, in other words. So, it's a good, tough question, and I'd leave it fairly general in how we exhort those to go forward with change.

Unfair Japanese Trade Practices

What we're going to try to do is sit down through serious negotiations and work out the difficulties. And I'm confident that we can do that. The Japanese-U.S. relationship is very, very important to the United States. And my interest has to be, above all, what is in the national interest of the U.S. And one thing that's in the interest of the U.S. is a strong relationship with Japan.

So, I don't worry about it. I don't like it when we have difficulties that arise on this case or that or in, as you raise, this whole matter of 301. But we can overcome that. We're friends, and we've been through a lot together, and that relationship will be

strong tomorrow.

U.S. Assistance for Poland and Hungary

Q. Mr. President, what kind of specific economic measures will you be taking to Poland and Hungary?

The President. I have to defer because we're not quite ready to talk about the specific package that I'll be discussing with both of those countries-not finished yet, not signed off on it yet.

Yes, Helen [Helen Thomas, United Press International]?

Oliver North

Q. Surprise, Mr. President-Oliver North. What did you think of the

The President. Hungarian? Is this a question about Hungary, Poland, Europe? [Laughter]

Q. What did you think of the sentence imposed on Oliver North? Are you happy

he's not going to jail? Have you ever considered a pardon?

The President. One, I'm happy he's not going to jail. Two, I'm not going to comment further because this matter is under appeal and it is in the Federal courts. Short-Range Nuclear Forces in Europe

Q. Mr. President, how long do you think can you stick with your SNF position if we take into consideration that the pressure of our peoples on both sides of the Atlantic could increase dramatically on this issue because the allowing of [a] third zero option is very popular-it's growing more and more popular?

The President. I think as long as we have a solid front in NATO, as long as the Germans have joined in with the other countries in NATO behind this common position, we should go forward to try to implement that common position. And that isn't to say that someday, at some point, that other issue will be addressed. But we've got a good agenda, an agenda that will be strongly welcomed by the German people. This was an agreement that was hammered out, as you know, from night-long discussions that went on into the night. And I see no reason to stand here and try to change a collective decision taken by NATO.

East German-U.S. Relations

Q. You are going to improve your relations with Poland and Hungary. Do you see any preconditions to improved relationships with the German Democratic Republic in the foreseeable future?

The President. Yes, I do see preconditions.
Q. What are they?

The President. A little more democracy; a little more freedom; a little more openness-come along with the flow. Things are changing in Eastern Europe. Don't be lagging way behind; get out front. Don't be afraid of democracy and freedom. It ain't going to hurt anybody, indeed, it's going to help your people-that kind of free advice. And if that happens, why, the United States will be there. And the same could be said for Czechoslovakia or Romania or Yugoslavia, of course, having moved in some ways already.

So, we're looking for change. We have

this policy that we call differenti it's simply a policy that says, look, move down that path towards and openness and freedom of th process some, why, we'll be ther help you, and so will others in

You know, it troubles me in a cause I don't want to, again, ge the internal affairs, and yet there principles involved. And I can the United States, and I can say t ers in these various countries: move in these directions, then more with you. And if you can't do more with you, and we won' with you.

So, it's trying to find this comm and catch this wave, this w indeed, around the world, of fre moving through Eastern Eur democracy and things of that natu

Environmental Issues

Q. Mr. President, you say that leading the way in environmental The President. Yes.

Q. All the time, we hear abou beaches and air that's not fit to the cities. What sort of challenge take to Paris that will be credible?

The President. I will take the that I put forward for domestic tion, the revisions of the Clean which I think from our prelim have been widely accepted and r the countries whose leaders I'll b with. I will say: Look, we all ha better job. And I think the fac have been out front on technolog just talking about the billions t already spent trying to clean up ronment and the success we've duction of emissions, for example just talking about our whole app science; our whole approach to s been out on the cutting edge o mental reform and making thir Again, not preaching or lectu saying we want to share this.

I've instructed the head of our Reilly, a sound conservationist, to group at the technological level o and high-tech people to see

through sharing information, we can make things better for countries that can't afford the science and technology. So, it's in this vein that we'll be talking about it, saying, look, we've got some polluted beaches. We're trying to do better in tracing the flow of illegal dumping, for example. We're trying to do better, but here's what we've done; here's how we have approached this problem. If you have similar problems, we want to share our advice with you, and we'd like to have you give us your advice. So, it will be in that spirit that I approach the summit in terms of the environment. US Trade Barriers

Q. Mr. President, on that trade and Super 301, a number of your summit partners objected to the American actions on the grounds that America itself maintains a number of trade barriers. I wonder if you would be able to demonstrate your free trade credentials by assuring them that you will be reducing trade barriers, in particular, the steel quotas-whether you will be eliminating them or reducing them.

The President. I will be discussing our desire to move toward free trade by a complete success at the Uruguay round [multilateral trade negotiations]. And there's nobody pure in this field, not the United States, not France, not Germany, not England, not any other country-no one is pure. Nor Japan, sir-I don't want to leave you out-laughter-when it comes to free trade. But we think we do better than most, and we will continue to press for the elimination of barriers, including steel. But we've got to be sure that that playing field is level.

Q. Well, you don't take that as a rejection?

The President. Well, a lack of enthusiasm, perhaps [laughter-I wouldn't say rejection. I mean, he's just taken troops out of Hungary. And who would have said 2 years ago that that would happen? We salute that; we think that is good. And so, I'm not trying to exacerbate problems for him in Poland. I think I was asked the question, would you like to see the day when there are no troops in Poland, or something of that nature? And I said yes, and he viewed that as political. It's not political; it's a visceral feeling I have on the question. I think it would be nice to aspire to that kind of a situation-where he wouldn't feel troops were necessary-put it that way. And I would have a feeling that, at some point, the Polish people might feel that way.

But we're not trying to, as I say, make things more difficult for him, just as when he goes to France and Germany I don't think he's trying to make things more difficult for the United States. We're in a very interesting period of change, and I have said we want to see perestroika succeed, and I want to see glasnost succeed. And I'll repeat it here. And my trip over there is not to try to-through that statement or anything else-drive wedges between the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe; that's not what 1989 diplomacy is about. He's talking

about a European home. And I'm saying that's a good concept, but let's be sure a guy can move from room to room. Let's be sure it's open. Let's be sure people can move around in this home.

So, we can discuss all these things, and I'm sorry he misinterpreted or elected to characterize my view as what you say is political. But that doesn't change my view, and I don't expect it changes the view of the people of Poland. But we're not going to be there trying to raise tensions. We're going to be there trying to help the Polish people, to encourage Poland towards reform, to express the friendship and affection for Poland that exists in a tremendous quantity here in the United States.

And we will be carefully, very carefully, discussing these other relationships, mainly, I might add, with our European partners, as we did at the NATO summit. But we'll see eye-to-eye on that; it's going to take a little while. This is the last one. The moving last question. Yes?

President's Visit to Eastern Europe

Q. Mr. President, don't you feel that there is a problem because the President in Poland has not been elected yet, and you arrive with a-really, a chief of state there?

The President. Slight complication-but, no, that's a Polish affair. That's a matter for Poland to decide. It's not a matter for the United States to say, "I'm not going there until you have this all ironclad, worked out." It's not our business. We will deal with the Polish leadership. And it complicates you know, your question is a very good one-knowing what Mr. Jaruzelski's [Chairman of Poland's Council of State] plans may be with finality. But we'll have good discussions there with whoever our interlocutors are, because we're not trying to sort out those internal developments. That's not the role of the President of the United States. My role is along the lines of my answer to my last question-to extend to them what

ever help we can, to tell them w with reform and political ope salute the fact that Solidarnośćoutlawed when I was in Poland no months ago, is now legal-and to we can work with them as they ward towards more reform and m

ness.

So, I have to deal with what's t who is there, and do it with res not look like, well, if you don't hav internal political matters sorted o begin this march down democra well, we won't come to Poland. I going to deal with who's over ther

And I salute them-these are changes as they sort out who's stand for President and who's n

got to understand that in this cou we've taken a long, long time where we are, in terms of the sta comes from elections every 4 yea can't impose or say if you don't a us on this formulation, that we're hold back or be reluctant to dis you the political situation with wh tell us, say, is going to come me deal with us.

I really am looking forward to looking forward to our trip to very, very much. And for those o may be new here, the affection and the affection for Hungary communities in the United State high. It's really strong. And if I ca ing else but explain that and say for you to succeed in the excha visit will be worthwhile, ever haven't sorted out their interna situation with every "t" crossed "i" dotted. It's going to be a good

Thank you all very much.

Note: The President's 17th news began at 2 p.m. in Room 450 d Executive Office Building.