Irish bishoprics were donatives of the Crown; and all the more because, since the Emancipation and Reform Acts, Parliament could no longer be considered to represent the Church. Such high ground as this was not taken in Parliament even by bishops or university members; but it was taken by the Oxford party, not solely on the ground that the Government proposed to apply church property to secular purposes, a proposal struck out of the bill in the course of debate, but that it was not competent to Parliament to legislate on ecclesiastical subjects, even in the interest of the Church, without the consent of the Church: and if Convocation was hardly mentioned in this connexion, it was only because Convocation was regarded by all parties as obsolete, even for the purpose of an argument from archæology.

AUTHORITIES.-Newman, Apologia pro vita sua; Letters, edited by Mozley; Church, The Oxford Movement; Coleridge, Church and State; Gladstone, The Church in its Relations with the State; Palmer, Narrative of Events, etc. BIOGRAPHIES: Isaac Williams (Autobiography); R. H. Froude, by Guiney; Memoirs of J. H. Rose (from British Magazine); Pusey, by Liddon; Newman, by Hutton; Keble, by Coleridge and by Lock. Keble, Sermon on National Apostasy.

CHAPTER XII

་ TRACTS FOR THE TIMES'

Keble's

Assize

Sermon,

1833.

ON July 14, 1833, John Keble preached his celebrated Assize Sermon on 'National Apostasy' in view of impending danger; and in the preface to the sermon, published at the same time, he writes, 'Since the following pages were prepared for the press, the calamity, in anticipation of which they were written, has actually overtaken this portion of the Church of God. The Legislature of England and Ireland (the members of which are not even bound to profess belief in the Atonement) this body has virtually usurped the commission of those whom our Saviour entrusted with at least one voice in making ecclesiastical laws, as matters wholly or partly spiritual.' Henceforward the apostolical Church established in this kingdom was in the eye of the State no more than 'one sect among many.' He spoke of the growing indifference to other men's opinions; the supposed decay of what they call an exclusive system'; neglect of voluntary oaths; disrespect to the successors of the Apostles. The natural tendency of the course of action now begun by the State with infringement of apostolical rights, would end, he prophesied, in persecution of the true Church under colour of toleration, State security, and sympathy with popular feeling. That Parliament should act in this way is considered by the preacher as a 'direct disavowal of the sovereignty of God,' and its acceptance by the country as an act of National Apostasy; and the question is raised, 'How are good Churchmen to regard the position of, consequently their connexion with, a Church whose Government

6

is now avowedly Erastian?' The answer is, by 'earnest intercession with God, grave, respectful, affectionate remonstrance with the misguided man himself.'

'National

'National Apostasy' may seem a hard name for the acquiescence of the nation in a parliamentary measure which applied to ecclesiastical purposes revenue hitherto Apostasy appropriated to the families of prelates. But no consideration of expediency and no historical precedent had force with Keble and those who thought with him. They held the Church to be a divine institution, the government of which, though it might be associated with the State, belonged to the clergy, of divine right and by apostolical succession, and was independent of the State; association with the State might be matter of convenience and expediency, but could not touch the question of authority. Arbitrary action in the past could not create a precedent, and the spiritual authority usurped and exercised by the Papacy must revert to the clergy, not to the Crown; the root of the evil was in the Act of Catholic emancipation, which strengthened Romanism at the expense of the Church of England, and in the Reform Act, which gave legislative power to a class containing a large proportion of Dissenters. Mischief was done, and more would be done, for the bad principle was still at work. Friends of the Church must The clergy and laity must be a check put upon anti-church

bestir themselves to resist it. instructed in right doctrine, and legislation.

In December 1832 Newman left England in company with Froude, whose health was already broken, and with him spent some months in the south of Europe. They were at Rome together, and Newman, like Luther, was repelled by what he saw there. Newman visited Sicily alone, and fell dangerously ill of a fever, in the fits of which he continually repeated, ‘I shall not die, I have a work to do.' He returned from his Italian journey on July 9, 1833, a few days before Keble's sermon was preached, and saw that the hour was He was a man who would set well at the Oxford. mark'; a leader, not a follower, nor to any great extent a co-operator. He came back to England filled with a new vigour of body and mind, and with an exaltation

Newman's return to

come.

XII

NEWMAN'S RETURN FROM ITALY

231

of spirit which belongs to a man who is conscious of a mission

Hope elevated, and joy
Brightened his crest.

He says in the Apologia: 'My health and strength came back to me with such a rebound, that some friends at Oxford, on seeing me, did not well know that it was I, and hesitated before they spoke to me. And I had the consciousness that I was employed in that work which I had been dreaming about, and which I felt to be so momentous and inspiring. I had a supreme confidence in our cause.' He felt himself possessed by a prophetical fire; he was the chosen leader to deliver the Church of England from Reformation bondage, the zealous and passionate Froude was his Joshua; the aims of ordinary men, their compromises and halfmeasures, their formulas and articles of association seemed to him petty and insufficient, though at the same time he was willing to use the carnal weapons of controversy and combination. Newman was never more himself than at this moment; ardent, subtle, vigilant, dangerous; always keeping his own hand and foot clear of entanglement; though willing to adopt and use the ideas of others, he would not be bound by rules of associations or the vote of a majority; he was willing to work with others on conditions of freedom, in sympathy but not under control.

On his arrival in England he found a league already forming, not by his means, but in God's providence for him; the wood was laid in order, waiting for the fire. Such thoughts as these must have been in his mind, allying themselves with his strong personal dominancy, an element in his character akin to pride, but controlled by the humility which all through his life he imposed upon himself, and which fitted into his frame of action by leading him to look upon himself as an instrument in the hand of God. Keble, says Church, 'had given the inspiration, Froude had given the impulse, then Newman took up the work, and the impulse thenceforward and the direction were his.'

Keble's Assize Sermon kindled the flame. Froude and William Palmer of Worcester, who were in Oxford at the time, and constantly meeting in the Common Room at Oriel,

Է

came to the conclusion that it was necessary 'to unite and associate . . . in defence of the Church, of her violated liberties and neglected principles.' Froude applied for advice and approval to Keble, and Palmer consulted Hugh The meeting at Hadleigh, James Rose, Rector of Hadleigh in Suffolk, then 1833. Christian Advocate at Cambridge, a powerful preacher and a man of weight and dignity, and of strong and noble personal character. It was arranged, on invitation from him, that Keble, Newman, Arthur Perceval of All Souls, and Palmer should go to Hadleigh as the guests of the Rector, and hold a conference. The conference was held, but neither Keble nor Newman attended it. 'It afterwards appeared,' says Palmer, 'that Newman and Keble had no confidence in meetings or committees'; Keble, with all his boldness, was never rash, and would do nothing without episcopal sanction; and Newman's habit was to act for himself. Froude, Perceval, and Palmer spent some days at Hadleigh at the end of July, and agreed that combined action was desirable, as well as the circulation of publications on ecclesiastical subjects. They did not, however, formulate any specific plan of action, or come to a clear understanding among themselves. 'The Hadleighans could not agree,' wrote Keble in August; and Newman,—'I fear they did not get on very well at Hadleigh'; but the meeting was not unfruitful.

Death of

Rose's connexion with the first stage of the movement ends here. He went down to Durham to take up his professorship there, and his failing health and Hugh James Consequent exile from England prevented him from Rose, taking an active part in what its enemies called a conspiracy against the Protestant religion, and its promoters a combination in defence of the Church; though indeed the friends among themselves familiarly used the word 'conspiracy.' Rose died in January 1839.

1839.

The following extract from one of Newman's letters shows his relation to the movement at this stage of progress, and may therefore find place here. He writes to Keble on August 5, 1833 Do you not think we should act in concert, as nearly in the way of a Society as possible? i.e. to take measures for the circulation of tracts, pamphlets, etc., and to write systematically to stir up our friends.'