CHAPTER IX.

Congress again meet in May, 1775-Place the Colonies in a state of defense-Raise an Army and appoint George Washington Commander in Chief-Publish a manifesto declaring the causes of their taking up arms-] -Prepare a second petition to the King and an address to the people of Great Britain-Congress not unanimous in again petitioning the King-Proceedings on Lord North's conciliatory proposition— The terms of the proposition rejected-Terms of reconciliation proposed by the Convention of New York-Substance of terms sketched by Dr. Franklin-Massachusetts Convention ask the advice of Congress about the establishment of civil government in that Colony-Fort at Ticonderoga taken-Congress send an army into the Province of Canada-Paper money issued-Views of the Convention of New York, on the subject of a paper medium-Colonists in general in favor of reconciliation-Their various declarations on the subject-Second petition to the King rejected-The Colonies declared by Parliament in a state of rebellion-All trade with the Colonies prohibited, and the Colonists declared open enemies-Their vessels and persons made liable to seizure-Royal Commissioners appointed— Their powers-Reprisals ordered by Congress-American ports opened to all the world except Great Britain-Congress recommend to the Colonies to form governments for themselves-Independence seriously contemplated-Delegates of Pennsylvania instructed against it—Recommended by North Carolina-Delegates of Virginia specially instructed to propose it in Congress-proposed by Richard Henry Lee-Subject postponed-Measures taken to procure the assent of all the Colonies-Declaration of Independence unanimously agreed to and signed by Delegates from all the Colonies-Produces a new political state in America-Allegiance now transferred to the States-Persons adhering to the King, or to the enemies of the States, or giving them aid, considered as guilty of treason-Royal Commissioners request a conference with some of the members of Congress-Committee appointed—The result of the conference-Terms rejected—Commissioners issue addresses and proclamations to the people of America-Counter address of the Convention of New York-Campaign of 1776 unfortunate for America-General Washington invested with unlimited military powers-Capture of the Hessians at Trenton and the battle of Princeton revive the drooping spirits of the Americans.

In this state of public affairs the general congress again convened at Philadelphia, on the 10th of May. Dr. Franklin, having returned from England, in the spring of this year, he, together with Thomas Willing and James Wilson were, on the 6th of May, added to the delegation of Pennsylvania. Peyton Randolph was again unanimously elected president, and Charles

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Thompson secretary. The parish of St. Johns, in Georgia, having acceded to the proceedings of the last congress, sent a delegate, and he was admitted to a seat. An official account of the hostilities at Lexington and Concord, with an address from the provincial congress of Massachusetts, was laid before this general meeting of the colonies, early in the session. The people of Massachusetts stated the measures, taken for their defense, and requested the direction and assistance of congress, in the truly alarming state of their affairs. The people of the city and county of New York, at the same time, asked the advice of congress, how to conduct themselves, towards the troops soon expected there. Congress recommended, that on the arrival of the troops at New York, the colony should act on the defensive, so long as it should be consistent with their safety and security; that the troops be permitted to remain in their barracks, while they behaved peaceably and quietly. That they be not suffered to erect fortifications, or cut off the communication between town and country; and in case they should commit hostilities, or invade private property, the inhabitants should repel force by force. They also, recommended, that warlike stores be removed from the city, and a place of retreat, in case of necessity, be provided, for the women and children of the city, and that a sufficient number of men be kept in constant readiness, to protect the inhabitants from insult and injury. The actual commencement of hostilities in Massachusetts required and received the immediate attention of congress. On the 26th of May, after stating the dangerous and critical situation of the colonies, from the attempts to carry into execution by force, several unconstitutional and oppressive acts of parliament, from the actual hostilities committed in Massachusetts, and from the large reinforcements of troops expected with the same hostile views, congress unanimously determined, "that, for the express purpose of securing and defending these colonies, and preserving them in safety, against all attempts to carry said acts into execution, by force of arms, the colonies be placed in a state of defense." They at the same time, expressed a most ardent wish, for a restoration of

former harmony, and as a means of effecting this object, they resolved to present another humble and dutiful petition to the king; and to make it a part of the petition, "that measures be entered into, for opening a negociation, in order to accommodate the unhappy disputes, between Great Britain and the colonies." On the question of again addressing the king, the members were, at first, divided. Convinced, from the repeated and contemptuous rejection of their former petitions, without a hearing, as well as from the late conduct of the administration, that every other application, would receive a similar treatment, some of the members were unwilling, again to place themselves in the humiliating posture of supplication, at the foot of the throne; and the question was warmly debated. As many were extremely desirous, that another attempt at reconciliation should be made, by a solemn appeal to the king; for the sake of harmony, at such a critical period, the opponents of the measure finally yielded their assent. Nor did congress confine themselves to a petition to his majesty; they again addressed the people of Great Britain and the province of Quebec; and also sent an address to the inhabitants of Ireland, and a letter to those of the island of Jamaica.*

These papers breathed the same ardent love of liberty, contained the same dignified sentiments, evinced the same determined purpose of soul, and the same consciousness of the justice of their cause, as those of the former session. Nor were they couched in language, less bold and energetic, on the subject of their rights, or less affectionate towards those, to whom they were addressed.

The endearing appellation of "friends, countrymen, and brethren," was used towards the people of Great Britain; and they were entreated by these, and every other appellation, that might designate the ties which bound them together, seriously to attend to their second attempt, to prevent their dissolution.

After again recapitulating former injuries, and stating the recent acts of hostility by the wanton destruction of their lives, as well as property, they seriously ask, "whether the descendants of

*Note 19.

Britons could tamely submit to this? No," they add, "we never will-while we revere the memory of our gallant and virtuous ancestors, we never can surrender those glorious privileges, for which they fought, bled, and conquered." "Admit," they tell them," that your fleets and armies can destroy our towns, and ravage our coasts; these are inconsiderable objects, things of no moment to men, whose bosoms glow with the ardor of liberty. We can retire beyond the reach of your navy, and without any sensible diminution of the necessaries of life, enjoy a luxury, which, from that period, you will want, the luxury of being free." They again repel the charge of aiming at independence.

"Our enemies charge us with sedition. In what does it consist? In our refusal to submit to unwarrantable acts of injustice and cruelty? If so, show us a period in your history, in which you have not been equally seditious."

"We are accused of aiming at independence; but how is this accusation supported? By the allegations of your ministers, not by our actions. Abused, insulted, and contemned, what steps have we pursued to obtain redress? We have carried our dutiful petitions to the throne. We have applied to your justice for relief. We have retrenched our luxury, and withheld our trade.”

"The advantages of our commerce were designed as a compensation for your protection: when you ceased to protect, for what were we to compensate?"

"What has been the success of our endeavors? The clemency of our sovereign is unhappily diverted; our petitions are treated with indignity; our prayers answered by insults. Our application to you remains unnoticed, and leaves us the melancholy apprehension of your wanting either the will, or the power to assist

us."

"Even under these circumstances, what measures have we taken that betray a desire of independence? Have we called in the aid of those foreign powers, who are the rivals of your grandeur? When your troops were few and defenseless, did we take advantage of their distress and expel them our towns? Or have we permitted them to fortify, to receive new aid and to acquire additional strength?"

"Let your enemies and ours persuade you, that in this we were influenced by fear or any other unworthy motive. The lives of Britons are still dear to us. They are the children of our parents, and an uninterrupted intercourse of mutual benefits had knit the bonds of friendship. When hostilities were commenced, when, on a late occasion we were wantonly attacked by your troops, though we repelled their assaults and returned their blows, yet we lamented the wounds they obliged us to give; nor have we yet learned to rejoice at a victory over Englishmen.”

"As we wish not to color our actions, or disguise our thoughts, we shall, in the simple language of truth, avow the measures we have pursued, the motives upon which we have acted, and our fu ture designs."

“When our late petition to the throne produced no other ef fect than fresh injuries, and votes of your legislature, calculated to justify every severity; when your fleets and your armies were prepared to wrest from us our property, to rob us of our liberties or our lives; when the hostile attempts of general Gage evinced his designs, we levied armies for our security and defense. When the powers vested in the governor of Canada, gave us reason to apprehend danger from that quarter; and we had frequent intimations, that a cruel and savage enemy was to be let loose upon the defenseless inhabitants of our frontiers; we took such measures as prudence dictated, as necessity will justify. We possessed ourselves of Crown Point and Ticonderoga. Yet give us leave most solemnly to assure you, that we have not lost sight of the object we have ever had in view, a reconciliation with you on constitutional principles, and a restoration of that friendly intercourse, which to the advantage of both, we till lately maintained."

After reminding them, that the loss of liberty in America, would be only a prelude to its loss in Great Britain, they conclude, "a cloud hangs over your head and ours-ere this reaches you, it may probably burst upon us; let us then, (before the remembrance of former kindness is obliterated,) once more repeat these appellations, which are ever grateful to our ears; let us entreat heaven, to avert our ruin, and the destruction, that threatens our