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CHAPTER III.

Discovery of Guiana by Raleigh.

Raleigh chosen a Member of the Parliament-Importance of the Period-Philip resolves to make a second Attempt for the Destruction of England-Speech of Lord Burleigh-Raleigh's Plans for the Defence of England-He obtains a Grant of Sherborne in Dorsetshire-Becomes a Planter and Horticulturist-His Project for the Discovery and Conquest of Guiana-Resolves to conduct the Enterprise in Person-Fits out a Fleet-Sails from Plymouth in 1595-Arrives at Trinidad-Expedition up the Orinoco-Description of the People and the Country-They enter the Plains of Saima-Penetrate to the Province of Aromaia-Forced to return-Arrive at Wincapora-Return to Trinidad-Description of the Country -Ungenerously treated-Raleigh's Dedication of his Discovery of Guiana to the Lord-admiral Howard and Secretary Cecil-Second Voyage under Captain Keymis-Researches into the Country, and Return to England-He finds Raleigh absent on the Cadiz Expedition-Account of this Enterprise -Return of the Fleet-Encomiums on the Ability of Raleigh -The Queen retains her Resentment-Essex's Displeasure at the Preferment of Sir Robert Cecil-Character of ElizabethCharacter of Cecil-Raleigh sends Captain Berrie in a Ship of his own to Guiana-His Return to England.

THE period at which Raleigh became a member of the House of Commons was remarkable; and the debates involved subjects of deep interest and importance. Elizabeth's great enemy was Spain; and the efforts of this power against England, the bulwark of the Protestant faith, were unremitting. Enraged but not subdued by the destruction of his Armada, Philip adopted what

he considered a more certain mode of accomplishing the ruin of his enemy. He proposed to attack her on every quarter where she was most vulnerable,-on the side of France, Holland, Ireland, and Scotland; and aware, from experience, that his ships were too unwieldy for service in the Narrow Seas, he constructed vessels similar to those used in the Channel. To quote the language of Sir John Puckering in his address on the opening of parliament: “The high and mighty ships that then [in the year 1588] he prepared and sent for that purpose [invasion], because he found them not fit for our seas and such an attempt, he is building ships of a less bulk, after another fashion; some like French ships, some like the shipping of England, and many hath he gotten out of the Low Countries." These words of warning were enforced by the venerable Burleigh, whose speech in this parliament has been preserved by Strype. He entreated the Commons to suffer an old man weighed down with years, and decayed in his spirits with sickness, to declare some part of the dangers then imminent upon the kingdom; and after a masterly sketch of the condition of the country under the alarm of invasion in 1588, he remarked that the case was now greatly altered: "The King of Spain," said he, "maketh these his mighty wars by means only of his Indies; not purposely to burn a town in France or England, but to conquer all France, England, and Ireland. And for proof hereof: first, for France, he hath invaded Brittany, taken the port, builded his fortresses, carried in his army, waged a navy in Brittany, received into wages a great number of his subjects, as rebels to France. And there he keepeth a navy armed to impede all trade from England to Gasand Guyenne. * * cony * Besides this, his possessing a great part of Brittany towards Spain, he hath at his commandment all the best ports of Brittany towards England, so as now he is become as a frontier enemy to all the west of England. And, by his commandment, and his waged troops in Newhaven, he hath enlarged his frontiers now against all the south parts of England, as

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Sussex, Hampshire, Isle of Wight." Lord Burleigh farther pointed out the iniquitous policy of Spain in attacking France both by invasion and intrigue,—the warm co-operation of the Pope,-and, lastly, Philip's success in corrupting the Hollanders, and in securing a party amongst the Scottish nobility, who meditated nothing less than a war with England.

A large subsidy was then proposed in the Commons; and some members being of opinion, that its purpose to maintain the contest against Spain ought to be publicly stated, Raleigh took occasion strongly to recommend such a course. "He knew many persons," he said, “ that held it not lawful in conscience, as the time is, to take from the Spaniards: and he knew, that if it might be lawful and open war, there would be more voluntary hands to fight against the Spaniard, than the queen should stand in need of to send to sea." As for the subsidy, he declared he would vote for it not only to please the queen, to whom he was infinitely bound above his deserts, but from the imminent necessity of the case, the bitter enmity of Philip being evident by his complicated preparations against England. He directed the attention of the house to the strength and warlike resources of Spain. "In Denmark, the king being young, he had corrupted the council and nobility, so as he was very like to speed himself of shipping from thence. In the marine towns of the Low Countries and in Norway he had laid in great store of shipping. In France he had the parliamentary towns at his command. In Brittany he had all the best havens. And in Scotland he had so corrupted the nobility, that he had promised them forces to re-establish Papistry. * In his own country there is all possible repairing, and he is coming with sixty galleys, besides other shipping, with purpose to annoy us. * * At his coming he fully determineth to get Plymouth; and Plymouth is a place of most danger, for no ordnance can be carried thither to remove him; the passages will not give leave.” Raleigh concluded this speech by pointing out the best method of warding off

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these dangers. "Now the way to defeat him is this: to send a royal army to supplant him in Brittany, and to possess ourselves there; and to send a strong navy to sea, and to lie with it upon the Cape,* and such places as his ships bring his riches to, that they may set upon all that come. This we are able to do, and undoubtedly with fortunate success, if we undertake it. I see no reason that the suspicion of discontentment should cross the provision for the present danger. The time is now more hazardous than it was in eighty-eight; for then the Spaniard which came from Spain had to pass dangerous seas, and if he failed there was no place of retreat; but now he hath in Brittany great store of shipping, a landing-place in Scotland, and men and horses there as good as we have in our own country."+

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The high prerogative of the queen, and the slavish humility of some members, were strikingly exemplified in this parliament. The famous Coke was chosen speaker, and his address to her majesty contains the following passage:"This nomination is, only as yet, a nomination and no election until your majesty giveth allowance and approbation. For, as in the heavens, a star is but opacum corpus until it have received light from the sun; so stand I corpus opacum, a mute body, until your highness' bright shining wisdom hath looked upon me, and allowed But how unable I am to do this office, my present speech doth tell, that, of a number in this house, I am most unfit. For amongst them are many grave, many learned, many deep wise men, and those of ripe judgments. But I am untimely fruit, not yet ripe ; but a bud scarcely blossomed; so, as I fear me, your majesty will say, neglectâ fruge, eliguntur folia,—amongst so many fair fruit ye have plucked a shaking leaf." Elizabeth assuring him that his corpus opacum should be illuminated by her princely virtue and wisdom, Coke made the usual demands of liberty of speech, freedom from arrest, and free access to the royal person; and *He means the Cape de Verde.

Parliamentary History, vol. iv. pp. 343, 359, 380, 385.

some idea may be formed, from the lord-keeper's answer, of the extent to which this princess carried the regal power: "To your three demands, the queen answereth liberty of speech is granted you; but how far this is to be thought on, there be two things of most necessity, and those two do most harm, which are wit and speech. * * Privilege of speech is granted; but you must know what privilege you have. Not to speak every one what he listeth, or what cometh into his brain to utter that,—but your privilege is Aye or no. Wherefore, Mr Speaker, her majesty's pleasure is, that if you perceive any idle heads, which will not stick to hazard their own estates; which will meddle with reforming the church, and transforming the commonwealth; and do exhibit any bills to such purpose, that you receive them not, until they be viewed and considered by those, who it is fitter should consider of such things, and can better judge of them."*

A complaint was made that certain Dutch manufacturers, settling in London, had undersold the queen's liege subjects, and it was proposed to bring in a bill forbidding the retail of foreign wares by aliens. Raleigh's speech on this subject evinced his intimate knowledge of the trade of the country. It had been argued that charity, honour, and good policy, forbade these artisans to be expelled. "In my opinion," said he, "it is no matter of charity to relieve them. For first, such as fly hither have forsaken their own king. And religion is no pretext for them; for we have no Dutchmen here but such as come from those provinces where the gospel is preached, yet here they live disliking our church. For honour; it is honour to use strangers as we be used among strangers; and it is a lightness in a commonwealth, yea, a baseness in a nation, to give a liberty to another nation which we cannot receive again. In Antwerp, where our intercourse was most, we were never suffered to have a tailor or shoemaker to dwell there. Nay, at

* Parliamentary History, vol. iv. pp. 345, 346, 349.

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