the King of England is an Emperor, and this reatman empire, and so called in statutes and records without number; and if so, he will have the prerogative, equal with other kings and emperors, if no statute law or usage say the contrary.- -if the prerogative then be the law of nations, that is part of the law of the land, and will give the King a clear title to it. See the Statute of Precedency, which is 32 H. 8, cap. 10. It enacts that no person presume to sit at any side of the Cloth of State, except the King's children. Then when it goes on to place the great officers of state-it says, that being barons, they shall be placed on the left side of the Parliament Chamber, above all dukes, except the King's son, the King's brother, the King's uncle, the King's nephew, (i e. his grandson, or the King's brothers' or sisters' son.)-Now, this shews that the King's son, and the King's nephew, or grandson, is comprehended under the term-King's Children; because the latter is substituted in the place of the former.-17 Edward III. Archbishop of Canterbury came into Parliament and demanded Si les enfans notre, sen le Roi, born beyond sea, should inherit in England; because born out of the King's dominions and aliens. And all the Parliament agreed that let them be born where they would, they should inherit.It would be a jest to ima gine that the King's grand-child was not within that law, and within the word les enfans, children; and there is the same reason in this case. Another reason is, that the King's grandson is higher in dignity, because nearer the crown, than any other of the King's sons, except his own father, therefore, ought to be esteemed equal with his own sons; and therefore, if Prince Frederic were here, and the King had other sons besides the Prince, he would take place of all those, as Richard of Bourdeaux's did when his grandfather placed him at a public table above all his own children, who were his uncles. Pursuant to this notion grand-children of the Crown are styled children in records. There is, 50 Edward III. Richard Prince of Wales, his writ of summons to Parliament is directed thus-Rex Edwardus carissimo filio meo Ricardo Principi. Wallice.— So is 51 Edward III. This Prince Richard holds a Parliament by commission from his grandfather, and that runs in the same manDer- De circumspectione et industria magnitu dine carissimi fili nostri, Ric. I. Principis Walhe. Pat. Rol. 5v Ed. III. An. 41.- Now, I think education is of greater consequence than marriage, both to the person and to the people of England-to the person, because, if bred either in the Popish religion, or if

trained up in any other communion, though Protestant, except the Church of England, he is not capable of reigning; and if bred up in arbitrary principles, inconsistent with a limited monarchy, the whole nation will then be in danger: whereas, an ill-chosen match will only be the most uneasy to the Prince that marries, and will little affect the State, so long as the Prince is steady, and adheres to the constitution.Where is a prince to be educated who is to be bred up a king, but in the Palace and Court of a King, and under his special care and influence ?"The learned Sir John Fortescue, called by Sir Walter Raleigh the bulwark of the law of England, who was Chief Justice and Chancellor, and also tutor to the Prince of Wales in Henry VIth's time, in his Treatise De Laudibus Legum Anglice, which consists of dialogues betwixt him and the prince about his education, says, that there are two things that a prince who is like to be heir to the crown ought principally to be instructed in, that is martial discipline, and the laws and constitution of England: and where are those to be had but in the King's armies, and among the great officers and ministers of the King?The same Sir J. Fortescue says, speaking of the King's words in Knight's service, the princes of the realm also holding of the King, must be well educated, since these orphans in their childhood are brought up in the King's house. Therefore, I cannot but greatly commend the riches and magnificence of the King's Court, because it is the supreme school for the nobility of the land, whereby the real flourishes and is preserved.---There is a patent in the 13th of Edward IV. from the King to the Bishop of Rochester, whereby he was constituted tutor to the Prince and president of the Prince's Council, which is very remarkable. In the preamble it says, "Howbeit every child in his young age ought to he brought up in virtue and knowledge; yet, nevertheless, such persons as God has called to the pre-eminent state of princes, and to succeed their progenitors in the state of regality, ought more singularly to be informed and instructed in knowledge and virtue. We therefore, desiring our dearest son, the prince, perfectly, know. ingly, and virtuously to be educated in bis youth, and wholly trusting in the truth, wit, knowledge and virtue, and also love and affection, that our Reverend Father hath to us and to our issue, we have committed and deputed him to teach and inform our said son, and also appointed him president of his council, giving him power to assemble all the counsellors of our said son."-Now

what I would observe from this patent is, in the first place, that it shews the great regard that is to be had to all the prince's or king's children, all who are hike to succeed to the crown, that they above all others ought most singularly to be educated, and makes no distinction in the education between the first or any other of the princes of the Royal Blood, and the education to be perfect in knowledge and virtue.In the next place, it shews the qualification of such tutors, and who is to choose them.

This does not invade the paternal right, but is consistent with it. It is very probable that a grandson may obey both father and grandfather: nor can it be sup posed that the fither and grandfather will give

contradictory commands without breach of duty in the son; but it ought to be presumed by all reasonable men, that they will both concur in material parts of the education, both for the good of their child and the safety of the kingdom, so that in this concurs the law of God as well as man. For I believe nobody ever yet doubted, but a grandson was within the fifth command, and in obedience to that law the Patriarchs always conformed themselves. But these sticklers for pa ermal right seem to have forgot the right of the mother, which, by the fifth commandment, is as well established as the right of the father, and so.ne civilians give a superiority to the mother, at least by the law of nature; and, I believe, that nobody ever thought that giving this power to the father excluded the right of the mother. Nor can the supposition that the mother should contradict the command of the father any more destroy the superiority of the husband in the one case, than the same groundless supposition in the son destroy the right of the father in the other case. But to suppose for once an unreasonable thing, and what will never happen, that there should be contradictory commands, the public good must be preferred, and duty to parents must be always subject to the safety of the whole community; and the King, who is parens patriæ, as well as parens nepotis, must be obeyed, to whom there is a double obligation by nature and by allegiance, i. e, by the law of God and the law of man.- -As to what was said by brother Reynolds, the Prince's Counsel, in relation to the statute of 12. Car. 2, cap. 24. that the Prince was within that Act of Parliament, I deny it to be law, or any thing like it, for then it would be In the power of the Prince to grant or appoint, by deed or will, the guardianship, custody, or tuition of his son to the King of France,

the Turk, or any person whatever, which would be in effect to give him a power of disposing of the Crown. And by this. learned doctrine.the Royal Family might be dispersed all over Europe, and this nominee would be entitled to take the profits of all the lands of such heir to the Crown, and the management of all his estate. What was said by my brother Eyre as to the Black Prince's disposing of his son's governance, that was a case of absolute necessity, and in the absence of the King in foreign parts, for he was then on his journey to the Holy Land."

CORONATIOM OF NAPOLEON.

(Concluded from p. 1012)

This. it is, that has consecrated to eternity the epoch of the 9th of November.--It is this, Sire, that brings back and attaches to you such of the republicans whose patriotism was most fervent and zealous. They were confirmed in their hatred against the throne by their attachment to the interests of the people and the ardent desire of the public good. Their ideas have been realised only by your government; out of conceit with their chimera, and brought back by you to the reality, they are well convinced that it was impossible to think seriously of establishing a republic, properly so called, amongst a people, attached to monarchy by their wants, by instinct, and by the force of a habit, which nothing can overcome. Yes, Sire, on this point there is but one sentiment -yet, the government of a single person is to so vast a country what the statue of Pallas was formerly to the Trojans-by being deprived of it their ruin was accelerated.But still this is not enough. The unity of the Empire, is, like the bundle of twigs, the aggregate of its power; but, like the twigs of the untied bundle, the parts would soon be disunited and broken, if the hereditary succession to the aggregate did not secure the bond. An order of succession, previously determined, is the firmest support of a monarchical government. So, by the election even which made you Emperor, the senate and the people have deprived themselves of the right of electing in future, as long as those g'orious lines shall subsist, to which they transfer the exclusive right to the Empire. It is a great deposit of trust, consecrated by the Law of Nations, the neces sity of which has been felt by the nation, in order to relieve itself from guarding against any omission, or the apprehension of trou bles in this delegation of its supreme power.

Amongst the happy results of the law of succession, such as the French have just

adopted, the sagacity of the great people has distinguished two principal advantages; first, that a dynasty raised by liberty, will be faithful to its principle; there is no instance of a river flowing back to its source. Besides, a new source of stability for public credit, both internally and externally, is to be expected from a continued tradition in this paternal and perpetual government. Amongst foreign nations also, upon how much more sohd a base will our alliances be supported? It is a community of interests, that constitutes all the bonds of this world: the friends of France being able to rely on her, she can rely on them; and this proud country, reinstated in Europe in the rank, from which weakness had suffered her to fall, will, henceforth, have it in its power to exercise a permanent inBuence on the repose of the nations, and on the peace of the Continent.As to our enemies, if they persist in being so, their de spair must redouble in contemplating the service they have done us in spite of them. We have been put upon our guard by their atrocious plots. As a last resource they have meditated crimes; it was our duty to render them useless. Thus then, in whatever view our happiness is their work. But, Sire, until their eyes shall be opened, or our indighant army shall go to punish their perfidy, aur happiness constitutes their punishment. What a spectacle for them to behold, France, that same France, which they wished to lacerate, and which they must now know to be united round its august chief, possessing the same spirit, forming the same wishes, and tranquilly celebrating the festivals which announce the union of liberty, that first of all moving principles with this grand conservative system of nations, hereditary monarchy.. It was desired previous to the revolution, that the chief of a great state ike France, should promise at his accession, not to be the king of nobles nor of any other class, but the chief of the nation, not to maintain usurped privileges, which in an agricultural country, and amongst an industrious people, would, nevertheless, destroy agriculture and industry, to enrich with their spoils the accomplices of despotism; but that he should swear to the people these fundamental articles, these eternal bases of well regulated societies. Liberty of worship, this first right of all men, since autho rity can never force conscience. Equality of rights of all the citizens, the only rational and possible equality. Respect for political and civil liberty, without which nations are but herds of slaves, equally indifferent to the fortune of their masters, and to their own destiny. The inviolable security of proper

ty, which forbids above all the levy of arbitrary imposts, and permits not any subsidy, direct or indirect, under what name soever, but according to law. Lastly, the general tendency of his government,, to the sole and primitive end of every government, the interest, the happiness, and the glory of the people.-This is the form of the oath which your Imperial Majesty is about to take to the French people; these are the terms which you have chosen to be a law to yourself and your successors. According to circuinstances, your Majesty annexes to them an engagement to maintain : the integrity of the territory of the French republic, which should continue indivisible; the acquisition of the national property, which have been the pay of our independence; the sublime institution of your le gion of honour, worthy reward of services rendered to the country -With these additions, this remarkable oath would appear to have been dictated by the whole nation. It is in consideration of this also, that the whole nation swears fidelity to you. These two oaths correspond; they guarantee each other; they are the reciprocal pledges of an indissoluble alliance; and amidst so many important views, which will for ever distinguish the Senatus Consultum of the 19th May (28th Floreal), that which cements the whole work; that which imprints upon it the seal of immortality, Sire, is the thought of the title of the oaths To close the chasms of the revolution, more than Curtius was necessary according to the profound idea of a political author, it was necessary that a great man should chuse for the theatre of his government and the materials of bis glory, the ruins of that state, which he might propose to new-model and re invigo rate. It was necessary that this man should be worthy to give his name, and to communicate his impulse to a new dynasty. It was necessary that he should be elevated above his contemporaries, of their choice, and by their suffrages, without opposition either from his own countrymen, or from foreigners. In the existing state of societies, the want of being governed is felt, as formerly, but the means of governing are become more difficult, because their object is more extended and complicated.-The Conservative Senate and the French people assure you, Sire, through my voice, that they are proud of their Emperor. If they have offered you the crown, if they have made it hereditary in your descendants, and in those of your two brothers, it is because there exists not on earth a man more worthy to bear the sceptre of France, nor a family

our own part should not be omitted, nor left unprovided for. Complaints have been received that persons residing within the United States, have taken upon themselves to arm merchant vessels, and to force a com merce into certain ports and countries, in defiance of the laws of those countries. That individuals should undertake to wage private war, independently of the authority of their country, cannot be permitted in a well ordered society. Its tendency to produce aggression on the laws and rights of other nations, and to endanger the peace of our own, is so obvious, that I doubt not you will adopt measures for restraining it in future.Soon after the passing of the act of last session, authorizing the establishment of a district and port of entry on the waters of the Mobile, we learnt that its object was misunderstood on the part of Spain. Candid explanations were immediately given, and assurances that, reserving our claims in that quarter as a subject of discussion and arrangement with Spain, no act was meditated in the mean-time inconsistent with the peace and friendship existing between the two nations; and that, conformably to those intentious would be the execution of the law. That government had, however, thought proper to suspend the ratification of the convention of 1802; but the explanations which would reach them soon after, and stil mote the confirmnation of them by the tenor of the instrument, establishing the port and district, may reasonably be expected to replace them in the disposition and views of the whole subject which originally dictated the convention.I have the satisfaction to inform you, that the objections which had been urged by that government against the validity of our title to the country of Louisiana, have been withdrawn: its exact limits, however, remaining still to be settled between us. And to this is to be added, that having prepared and delivered the stock created in execution of the Convention of Paris of April the 30th 1803, in consideration of the cession of that country, we have received from the government of France an acknowledgment in due form of the fulfilment of that stipulation.With the nations of Europe in general our friend. ship and intercourse are undisturbed; and from the governments of the belligerent powers especiany, we continue to receive those friendly manifestations which are justly dae ac honest neutrality, and to such good offices consistent with that as we have opportunities of rendering. - The activity and success of the small force em

ployed in the Mediterranean in the early part of the present year, the reinforcements sent into that sea, and the energy of the officers having command in the several vest sels, will, I trust, by the sufferings of wate reduce the barbarians of Tripoli to the desire of peace, on proper terms. Great injury, however, ensues to ourselves, as well as to others interested, from the distance to which the prizes must be brought for adjudication, and from the impracticabis lity of bringing hither such as are not seå. worthy. worthy.The Bey of Tunis having made requisitions unauthorized by our treaty, their rejection has produced from him some expressions of discontent. But to those who expect us to calculate whether a compliance with unjust demands will not cost us less than a war, we must leave as a question of calculation for them also, whether to retire from unjust demands will not cost them less than a war. We can do to each other very sensible injuries by war. But the mutual

advantages of peace make that the best interest of both. Peace and intercourse with the other powers on the same coast continue on the footing on which they are established by treaty.--In pursuance of the act. providing for the temporary govern ment of Louisiana, the necessary officers for the territory of Odeans. were appointed in due time to commence the exercise of their fuuctions on the first day of Oct. The distance, however, of some of them, and indispensable previous arrangements may have retarded its commencement in some of its parts. The form of government thas provided, having been considered but as temporary, and open to such future improve ments, as further information of the circum tances of our brethren there might suggest, it will of course be subject to fair con ideration. In the district of Louisiana it has been thought best to adopt the division into subordinate districts which had been established under its former government. These being five in number, a commanding officer has been appointed to each, according to the provisions of the law and so soon as they can be at their stations, that district will also be in its due state of organization. In the mean-time, their places are supplied by officers before commanding there. and the functions of the governor and judges of Indiana having commenced, the government we presume is proceeding in its new form. The lead mines in that district offer so rich a supply of that metal as to merit attention. The report now communicated will inform you of their state, and of the necessity of immediate