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Proceedings in the Houses of Lords and Commons.

On the meeting of the Houses on the 30th November, a report of the physicians on the state of the King's health was brought up in both Houses, and in the Lower House the Chancellor of the Exchequer in hopes of the King's amendment, moved for the further adjournment of a fortnight, and if none appeared, that then the Houses should proceed to fill up the chasm in the royal authority. This was opposed by Mr. Whitbread on the ground of the impropriety of delay, but justified by Mr. Yorke. Mr. Ponsonby went more at large into the grounds of opposition, declaring his intention of dividing the House upon it, and moving for a committee to examine the physicians.-Sir F. Burdett reprobated in very apt terms the pretended delicacy of many gentlemen, who forget that delicacy must give way in great affairs of moment Mr. Wilberforce declared, that after balancing the matter in his mind for a considerable time, he could see no harm in the adjournment, and should therefore vote for it. Some other members spoke, and on a division, there appeared for it two hundred and thirty-three, and against it one hundred and twenty-nine. In the House of Lords a similar adjournment was moved and carried.-Lord Grenville winded up a speech against it with a school-boy quotation, but the Duke of Sussex made a deep impression on the flouse by the reasons which he gave for resisting the adjournment, namely, that it was more consistent with the constitution to adjourn only from day to day; and secondly, because he wished to ascertain in whose care the King was to be placed, and that in case of recovery the royal authority might be restored to him pure and unimpaired.

the chasm in the regal branch, and moved a call of the House to take it into consideration on the 20th. The examination of the physicians pointed out the species of insanity under which his Majesty laboured, held out hopes of recovery, but could not ascertain its early removal. Above all, it brought to light various periods in which his majesty bad been in similar situations, and matter suficient for very serious investigation, and due regulation of those persons who are supposed, when they issue orders by the kin's auch rity and with his signature, to have received them from him. At the meeting of the House the thancellor of the Exchequer brought forward three propositions. the first, declaring the incapacity of the king to perform the royal functions; the second asserting the right of the House to supply the defect; and the third pointing out the necessity of devising some means that the oval assent should be given to a bill on the exercise of the royal authority during the King's indisposition. On each of these he dilated at considerable length, making the proceedings of 1788 hie precedent, according to which, the Prince of Wales was to be Regent under certain restrictions, and the Queen to have the care of the King's person.、

Ou the second resolution being put from the chair, Sir F. Burdett declared, that he could not assent to it, as it spoke of the Lords spiritual andł temporal, and Commons of the United Kingdoms, lawfully, fully, and freely representing all the estates of this realm. This was contrary to truth, and it was notorious that instances of corruption had been proved of that House in which a hundred and fifty peers had great influence in the election of its members. He denied that the right of filling up the vacuity in On the 13th of December the the royal power had devolved upon Houses met again, and in the flouse the house, and if a precedent was to of Lords it was agreed that a com- be looked for in similar circumstanmittee should be appointed, and in ces we should look to the revolution of the liouse of Commons one was fixed 1688, when religious bigotry had inon to examine the physicians, after capacitated the then king, as now which it adjourned to the 17th, when malady had our present sovereign from a very voluminous report was brought the exercise of his functions. In up and ordered to be printed. The 1688 the city of London, the respecChancellor of the Exchequer gave an table gentry throughout the country, outline of his plan for filling up who had sat in parliament, were called

in a convention Parliament to settle King's illness.-Mr. Canning preferthe great interests of the nation: now red the precedents of 1788 to those of a House, of which he gave some strong the restoration and revolution, and features, summing up its titles in the spoke in ridicule of Sir Francis Bur name of the Walcheren Parliament, dett, as he wished to call in the aswithout any appeal to the people, sistance of the Lord Mayor and Com their constituents, usurped power for mon Council to settle the regency. themselves. The precedent of 1788 Lord Temple followed the sanie was formed by a faction which had no course as Lord Joselyn; but Mr. other end in view, except that of re- Adam strenuously resisted it.—sir taining their own places and emolu- Samuel komilly considered the resoment. As to the filing up the present lutions as inconsistent with each other. chasin, the Prince of Wales might In one, the right of the Lords and have no right, for no one could have Commons to fill up the vacancy is asa right, where there was no law, but serted, and yet that vac ney being certainly his pretensions to rule were acknowledged the royal assent to a bil greater than those of the House of was to be procured, to which his MaCommons. Where there is no right, jesty could give no assent. The will expediency must be consulted; and of the Lords and Commons can in surely it was more expedient and more no wise be construed into the King's analogous to the constitution to place will, nor can they by any means legisthe regal power, where by legal course late for the nation. As well might a it would go. On the subject, of the set of meu in common life make a King's illness it appeared, that the contract for a man under insanity, people had been deceived, and that then employ a person as his solicitor ministers had dared to carry on to anix bis seal and signature to the the government, while the executive deed. In fact, the personal presence was incapacitated. The plan of a of the king, or of a commission signcommission to give the King's assent ed by him, was essential to every act to a bill, would bear only the appear of legislation, and if the Houses could ance of fraud-they were thus mak- dispense with. this in one case they ing a king which the ministers might might in others; they might make put into their own pockets; far differ- war or peace, or any thing else, and ent thoughts did he entertain of the say such was the King's pleasu.e. dignity and majesty of a king, who This mode of legislation was fraudu ought to be a great and an efficient lent, and inconsistent with that open magistrate. He should therefore enter and manly character which ought to his solemn protest against the whole characterise every act of the legisiaof the proceedings, as miserable shams ture.- Mr. Whitbread spoke with and pretences, as aiming a mortal great animation in favour of the prostab at the constitution of the country, ceeding by address, which the House and making an oligarchical House of rejected, there being for it one bupCommons, varnished over with forms died and fifty seven, against it two to govern the country. The second hundred and sixty-nine. resolution was then read, and passed, with the dissent of Sir Francis, but without a division.

On the third resolution being put, Mr. Ponsonby objected to it, denying the right of the Houses to command the Chancellor to apply the King's seal to an act, and then to consider it as having the royal sanction. They were agreed as to the person of the regent, but differed on the mode, to which he objected more than to the limitations; and he moved, that an address be presented to his Royal Highness, praying him to take the royal fanctions upon him during the

On the next day the report of the committee was brought up; and, on the second resolution being read, Lord W. Russell objected to it as unneces sary, and to the calling on the House to vote abstract propositions. He therefore moved the previous question, in which he was supported by Sir F. Burdett, who said, that it became the proposers of the resolution to shew in what its necessity cousisted. Necessity implies the want of an alterrative, but here there was an alternative. He agreed also with the noble lord in condemning abstract propositions, a the introduction of them tended only

to fill the journals with a chaos of inconsistences. The way of duty in the present case is clear and plain. In addressing the Prince we do not usurp a disputed power, but exercise our undoubted right: we adhere to the sound principles of the constitution by keeping within the sphere of our own rights and duties. A gentleman had been facetious in his remarks on the corporation of London, and the recovery of his powers of pleasantry might be acceptable to the House. The gloom, occasioned by the deaths at Walcheren might well have restrained him; for the miseries of that disgraceful expedition, in which he had been convicted as having acted with a colleague' whom he had denounced as unfit and inefficient, were enough to suspend his droileries, especially as he must reflect that there never was a minister in this country who so much deserved impeachment. But this gentleman might have recollected, that the corporation of London was an important body in our history; and it little became him to despise the city of London, who had not thought it beneath his dignity to meet at a city tavern a set of jobbers and contractors, whom he entertained with speeches on affairs of state. A learned gentleman seemed to argue, that there was a law beyond the law, a constitutional something, to be found only in the practice of parliament: to this he could not assent: he could take law as it was found only in the acts of the legislature, not in the practice of different parts of it. A constitution means nothing but certain things established, and to talk of a law beyond the law was to talk of things in the air. To the assertion then in the resolution he objected, as assuming a right not belonging to them, and to the proceeding upon it as making the House part of the crown, and thus violating the first principle of the constitution-Mr. Lambe contended that the House had the right of supplying the defect, and cited the proceedings of the Long Parliament. He allowed the defects in the representation; but though they were not removed, the flouse was the legal representation. But the House could not make itself the King to assent to its own act, and he should therefore oppose the bill as illegal.

Mr. Stephen contended that the proceedings in 1788 ought to be viewed as a complete precedent, and he concluded with so fulsome a panegyric on the sovereign for fifty years of virtues, as required no comment from any other speaker-Mr. Wynne observed, that if the Houses could, at this time, by their own power, declare the royal prerogative suspended, then pass an act to render their own legislative powers complete, they may do so at any other time when the King is in perfect health.-Mr. Wilberforce said that the high character of the Prince of Wales was no reason for investing him with unlimited power. His present conduct did him eternal honour, as he looked like a good subject of the realm to parliament to provide for the deficiency.

Mr. Grattan asserted the plan of ministers to be repugnant to the constitution in two ways, first, as assuming an executive authority on the part of the two houses, and again, as it went to legislate without the royal assent. The proceedings of 1788 were no precedent, as they had not passed into an act

Sir John Newport was surprised, that Mr. Stephen, representing an Irish borough, had not condescended, in his love for the precedent of 1788-9, to look to the conduct of the Irish parliament, which was more simple, avoiding all fiction and fallacy, and preventing unnecessary delay. Including a recess of four days, nine days only elapsed between the message of the Lord Lieutenant and the adoption of an address to the Prince.-Mr. Elliot asked, what power the House had of punishing the Chancellor if he should refuse the seal to this monstrous act.-Mr. Perceval replied at length, asserting that he would not defer doing that, which the interest of the country might require, though such acts might belong to the executive power, and even require the sign manual. He would not risque a mutiny in the army or navy for want of money, because the letter of the law could not be complied with? Would the officers of the Exchequer refuse the order of the Treasury? They could not refuse compliance, though they might protest against the authority; and he would act upon his own re

with a scrutinizing eye.-After a few words from Mr. Adam and Mr. Perce val, the House divided on the previous question, these being for it 15, again t it 98. Thus the proceeding is to be by bill, and the people have sufficient food for reflection, on the exce!lencies of our constitution, on which

sponsibility, regardless of the result. the tone of this night will call on Mr. Whitbread asked whether it was every one to examine past actions to be endured, that a Chancellor of the Exchequer should invest himself with powers subversive of every constitutional principle? should assume the control over the public purse, apply the public money when and how he thought proper, and on a pietended responsibility, trample upon that throne which he is sworn to sup- theoretical writers take so much port, and which he is, by his very pleasure in dilating, whilst so great actions, now crumbling into the dust. difficulty is found in bringing their The day of enquiry may come, and theories into practice.

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BIOGRAPHY.

Duty and Office of Executors, Admi

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Patent Portable Interest Tables. 1s. 6d.

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Introduction para la Historia de la Revolucion de Espana. Par D. Alvaro Florez Estrada. 8vo. 9s.

Metrical Romances of the 18th, 14th, 15th Centuries, published from ancient Manuscripts. By H. Weber, Esq. 3 vols. 8vo. 21. 2s.

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