CH. 8.] CONCLUSION. 257 support from Halisarne. 18. Xenophon and his party, as they were sorely harassed by the enemy's arrows and slings, and as they marched in a circle to hold their shields as a defence against the missiles, got with great difficulty across the river Caicus, nearly half of them being wounded. 19. On this occasion Agasias the Stymphalian, one of the captains, was wounded, after making head the whole time against the enemy. But they at last came off safe, with about two hundred slaves, and cattle enough for sacrifice. 20. On the following day Xenophon offered sacrifice, and led out his whole force in the night, with a design to go as far as possible into Lydia, in order that the Persian might not be in fear from his proximity, but be thrown off his guard. 21. But Asidates, hearing that Xenophon had again sacrificed with a view to an attack upon him, and that he would return with all his strength, went out to encamp in some villages lying close under the little town of Parthenium. 22. Here Xenophon and his troop came round upon him, and captured himself, his wife and children, his horses, and all his property; and thus the omens of the first sacrifice were verified. 23. They then marched back to Pergamus; and here Xenophon had no cause to complain of the god; for the Lacedæmonians, the captains, the rest of the generals, and the soldiers, all agreed that he should receive select portions of the spoil, consisting of horses, oxen, and other things; so that he was now able even to serve a friend. 24. Soon after, Thibron arrived and took charge of the army, and, uniting it with the rest of the Greek force, proceeded to make war upon Tissaphernes and Pharnabazus. 25. 2 The governors of the king's country, as much of it as Caicus. See Strabo, xiii. p. 615. Damaratus had been king of Sparta, but, having been expelled from his throne by his colleague Cleomenes, had taken refuge with Darius Hystaspes, by whom be was courteously received, and presented with the cities Teuthrania and Halisarna. See Herod. vi. 67; Xen. Hellen. iii. 1. 6. Kühner. Jupiter Meilichius. See sect. 4, 5. Kühner. 2 This paragraph is pronounced by Krüger de Authent. p. 7, seqq., to be a mere interpolation. His reasons for forming this opinion are chiefly these: 1. That Xenophon is made to use the first person in it; a circumstance, however, which Kühner thinks of little weight, referring to i. 9. 28, and v. 7. 23, in both which passages Xenophon uses the first person. 2. That Cyrus was satrap of Lydia and Phrygia before he marched against his brother, and that we went through, were these: of Lydia, Artemas; of Phrygia, Artacamas; of Lycaonia and Cappadocia, Mithridates; of Cilicia, Syennesis; of Phoenicia and Arabia, Dernes; of Syria and Assyria, Belesys; of Babylon, Rhoparas; of Media, Arbacas; of the Phasiani and Hesperitæ, Tiribazus; (the Carduchi, the Chalybes, the Chaldæans, the Macrones, the Colchians, the Mossynoci, the Cotæ, and the Tibareni, were independent nations ;) of Paphlagonia, Corylas; of the Bithynians, Pharnabazus; and of the Thracians in Europe, Seuthes. 26. The computation of the whole journey, the ascent and descent,1 was two hundred and fifteen days' march, one thousand one hundred and fifty-five parasangs, thirty-four thousand six hundred and fifty stadia. The length of time occupied in the ascent and descent was one year and three months. Tissaphernes succeeded him in the government of them. 3. That it is utterly incredible that Phoenicia and Arabia, countries lying at such a distance from one another, could have formed one satrapy. 4. That Syria and Assyria were never under the same satrap. 5. That if we suppose Hesperitœ to mean the Western Armenians, how is it that Xenophon makes no mention of Eastern Armenia, the satrap of which he had named, iii. 5. 17? 6. Why also does he not mention the Taochi and Drilæ? 7. What is to be made of the Cœtæ, who are mentioned neither in the Anabasis nor in any other ancient author? 8. That it is ridiculous to rank Seuthes among the king of Persia's satraps. These reasons appear sufficient to convince most readers of the spuriousness of the paragraph. Dindorf, however, allows it to stand without any mark of disapprobation. Kühner encloses it in brackets. As far as Cotyora; for from Ephesus to Cunaxa are numbered (ii. 2. 6) 535 parasangs, and 16,050 stadia; and from Cunaxa to Cotyora, (v. 5. 4,) 620 parasangs, and 18,600 stadia. Thus from Ephesus to Cotyora the distance was 1155 parasangs, and 34,650 stadia. Zeune. But the manuscripts do not all agree with regard to the numbers. Kühner. See the "Tabular View" subjoined. To this sum is to be added the march from Ephesus, which is said to have occupied three days: see Krüger, ed. maj. p. 551. But Xenophon himself (Anab. ii. 2. 6) states that "the length of the journey from Ephesus in Ionia to the place where the battle was fought, was ninety-three days' march, five hundred and thirty-five parasangs, and sixteen thousand and fifty stadia; while from the field of battle to Babylon the distance was said to be three hundred and sixty stadia." Hence it follows, either that Xenophon has made a mistake in reckoning up the numbers, or that the numbers themselves have been corrupted by transcribers. As to the dates in this table, the reader may consult Krüger, ed. maj. p. 556; Ainsworth, Travels in the Track of the Ten Thousand Greeks, p. 240, seqq.; Karl Koch, Der Zug der Zehntausend nach Xenophons Anabasis, Leipz. 1850, p. 140, segg. Kühner. IN THE EXPEDITION OF THE TEN THOUSAND GREEKS. DR. RAPHAEL KÜHNER. THE CATABASIS, OR RETURN FROM CUNAXA TO COTYORA. So Xenophon (Anab. v. 5. 4) says that "the length of the journey down the country, from the field of battle near Babylon to Cotyora, was a hundred and twenty-two days' march, six hundred and twenty parasangs, and eighteen thousand six hundred stadia, occupying eight months," i. e. from September 4th, 401, to May 18th, 400. The voyage from Cotyora to Sinope took two days, May 19th and 20th; the army stayed at |