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places, may be gathered from various specimens of the company. For instance, the A, B, C-darian.

"A, B, C-darian-a schoolmaster or mistress; or one who pretends to uppish. ness in spelling. My pony eat plumpudd'n out of a barber's bason,' no one in the room can spell that--for a guinea, except myself,' says the A, B, C-darian; whereas he himself ever neglects the preterite, ate, Cockneyfies pudding, and expects Johnson should be the rule for basin and pony, in which latter his orthography is not right. See our 'pony,' 'tis

a rum one."

The Ad libitum Men. "Ad libitum is high flash for freedom of the will. Fine fellows with frog buttons, and halfpaymen who affect the highflights, drink ad libitum, give orders ad libitum, and pay for them ad libitum."

The Argument Men.

"Argument. He attains the best of any tavern-argument, who has the best pair of lungs; whence we are inclined to fall in with that pronunciation of the word which calls it hardgumment.' The next best to him, is he who can offer to lay very heavy sums that are quite uncoverable."

A Chevaux Man must be a nice fellow.

"Cheveaux-pron. Shivaugh by Jack Burdett, who often holds one at Bill Wendy's, or up at the Popper. Dinner, wine, song, and uproar, constitute a cheveaux."

But we should think a Spout-billyboy must be a bore.

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night, spouting Billy,' to gaping mechanics, ground-rent bricklayers, and luckyescape shop clerks."

The other frequenters of these classic haunts are equally well described the pickpockets, flashmen, grabcoupers, radicals, (not the political party, but one who is turbulent in company-alehouse, to wit-a rumpus in the club-room; in this respect,

Vot a riddekel is that there Jim Jinnavay surelye,") raws, ratiocinators, &c. &c., but we have not room to refresh ourselves in this amiable soJon's character of the gens de la plume, lution of individuals, wishing to give who are great men at these places,— the Wrekin, Cart and Horses, Horse and Groom, &c. &c.

"Reporters-some three or four hundred persons, boys and men, who are employed, 1st, in collecting scraps of intelligence for the newspapers, as to fires, ac. cidents, and coroners' inquests; 2d, another set procure the initial examinations of culprits at the police-offices, (who are sometimes the clerks in those offices,) also of trotting-matches, aquatic excursions, &c.; 3d, Gentlemen of learning, with habits of industry, take short notes of debates in Parliament, of law proceedings, and judgments in civil law. These invariably write better stuff than is spo

ken.

The former exaggerate invariably, in order to make their articles read well. See Two-pence a-line."

"Twopenny-men-i. e. twopence per for the newspapers, paid to men calling line for fabricating articles of intelligence themselves reporters [qu. porterers? carriers] forsooth. When the types used for such minor purposes ceases to be minion (e mignon, little) and devolves into bourgeois, (or commonalty letter)-into brevier, or short letter-then three half

“Shades (The)—at London Bridge are under Fishmongers' Hall. Sound wine out of the wood, reasonable and tolerably good, are characteristics of this establishment. The Shades at Spring Gardens is a subterranean ale-shop."

There are several other shades besides these. A new and very good one-rather splendid in appearance, though the ceiling is too low-has been subterraneously opened under Mother Linwood's worsted caricatures of good pictures in LeicesterSquare. Drink not bad. Shades also are to be found in Adam-Street, Adelphi, not commendable-and at Westminster-Bridge, infamous.

"Journeymen-parsons-those who work by the job, and had recently a house-of-call at the King's Head, near St Paul's, now removed."

Whither the journeymen-parsons have gone, we cannot say, but the house here commemorated, is now better known by the title of the Pig-and-Whistle, and is in a great measure in the hands of the Scottish nation. It rejoices in a most particu

larly pretty waiteress.

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THE changes introduced by the Mahommedans into the civil and political arrangements of Hindostan, were neither so numerous nor so important as might have been expected. At first, indeed, it is more than probable that they entertained the design, not only of reducing their new subjects under the yoke of the Koran in temporal affairs, but of abolishing Hindooism, and substituting Moslemism in its room; such, at least, appears to have been the object of Mahmood's cruelties, as well as the professed end of Timour's invasion. But they were soon taught, that, though to overthrow the armies of the Rajahs might be no difficult matter for the hardy and disciplined warriors of Tartary, to root out, at least by violence, the prejudices of a populous nation, long entertained and fondly cherished, is a work too stupendous for human accomplishment. Nor was this the only lesson which experience conveyed to them. The Mahommedan princes gradually discovered, that all hope of amalgamating the one race of men with the other was vain. The religion of the Hindoos, which is quite as adverse to the reception of converts as it is hostile to the conversion of its professors, opposed to such an attempt insuperable barriers; and, as the civil institutions of the country were seen to hold a close connexion with its religion, neither the one nor the other were, in any material degree, invaded. A sort of compromise, if we may so express ourselves, was, on the

contrary, entered into between the conquerors and their subjects; of the nature of which a very few words will suffice to convey to you an adequate idea.

Among the Mahommedan subjects of the Mogul, wherever resident, or however employed, the laws of the Koran were naturally enforced. For the administration of these, there were stationed in all large towns, and especially at the capital cities of Viceroyalties and provinces, certain functionaries, denominated Foujdars, Cazees, and Meer-Aduls. The Foujdar acted as a sort of police magistrate and criminal judge. In the former of these capacities, he extended his watchfulness to all classes of the people. He observed the Rajahs, Zemindars, Poligars, and other great men-hindered them from forming conspiracies against the government of his master-or arrested and reduced to obedience such as were in actual rebellion. In the latter capacity, he awarded punishments to such delinquents as might be brought before him, ostensibly after the directions given in the Koran, but more truly, I believe, according to his own caprice. Be it observed, however, that, to his jurisdiction as a criminal judge, a Hindoo Ryot, unless resident in a populous city, could hardly be subjected. To the Hindoos their own magistrates were preserved, who dispensed justice according to their own laws, and the customs of their fathers; and, as the one people kept almost

wholly aloof from the other, their laws and customs ran little risk of being brought into collision.

ties. Even in the days of Alexander the Great, many of the weaker powers had become absorbed in the stronger, In civil affairs, again, the Cazee and and, at the period of Mahmood's first Meer-Adul acted in a manner com- expedition, not a few of the native pletely analogous to that pursued by kingdoms comprehended respectively the Foujdar in criminal cases. To the whole of those districts which were their Cutcheries were brought all cau- afterwards kept together under the title ses pending between one Mahomme- of Soubaships. Thus circumstanced, dan and another. They settled dis- it will readily be imagined that the puted successions, they tried the va- Rajah could not, in his own person, lidity of alleged compacts, they deci- sit to hear appeals from the decisions ded in cases of obligations resisted, of the village municipality, or deterand performed all the other functions mine disputes respecting the bounof civil judges among the professors of daries of separate parishes; neither their own faith. When a dispute arose could the Potail at once convey the likewise between a Mahommedan and revenue which he had collected to the and an Hindoo, the matter would, I treasury of the sovereign with punctuapprehend, be referred to their deci- ality or expedition. An intermediate sion; but such disputes were not very class of collectors and magistrates was likely to occur, at least with frequency; accordingly appointed after the followwhilst in the adjustment of differing fashion,-if, indeed, that may be ences between one Hindoo and another, they were never consulted. Thus the professors of the rival religions may be said to have dwelt together in the same country as strangers; they certainly never became, and never could become, one people.

Whilst the worshippers of the Prophet were thus kept in subordination by their Cazees and Meer-Aduls, the old village system continued to work with unabated vigour among the Hindoos. To his fellow-parishioners the Potail still acted as an hereditary judge and magistrate; the Culcurnee still pursued his occupations of public register and notary; the Mahars or Talliars still preserved the peace of the little community, watched their crops, protected their property, and arrested thieves;

the Punchayet still sat to hear causes, and to give its verdict; the Gooroo still officiated in his Pagoda, and the schoolmaster under his project ing roof or tree; all things, in short, went on throughout the country at large, as if the ancient dynasties were still in possession of the Musnuds.

In my former letter I stated, that, as long as the different Rajahships comprehend a narrow tract of country, and a moderate population, the probability is, that there existed not any class of public magistrates intermediate between the Potails of villages and the sovereign. It must, however, be confessed, that we have very little knowledge,indeed, we can hardly be said to possess any certain knowledge at all of the internal state of these petty principali

called an appointment, which seems to have been the mere continuation of authority and rank in those who held it.

Of the petty Rajahs subdued, some were left in the condition of vassal, or tributary princes; to others was committed the care of their ancient territories, under special restrictions and regulations. The former class paid a fixed annual tribute in money or grain, and managed their principalities as themselves saw best, being liable, however, to assist the Mahar-Rajah, or king of kings, with troops and supplies, in case of need. These retained their ancient title of Rajah. The latter became that class of functionaries to whom the Mahommedans, in later times, gave the title of Zemindar. The title which they bore under the ancient dynasties is not accurately known.By some they are called Chouderies, by others Molongees; but whether either of these be the correct title, I am not competent to decide. The thing, however, is of little consequence, seeing that the ancient name of office, be it what it may, has long been swallowed up by that of Zemindar. Let me then use the word Zemindar as if it were the original Sanscrit title, warning the reader all the while that it is a word of Persian extraction, and of, comparatively speaking, modern use in Hindostan.

The Zemindar of the native dynasties was to his Pergunnah, or district, in every respect what the Potail of a village was to his village. Of the extent of

a Pergunnah, it is impossible to speak with accuracy, one differing from another as much, and perhaps more, than the counties of England or Scotland differ among themselves; but if I may venture to strike an average, I would say, that they comprehended respectively a population of six hundred thousand, or from that to a million of souls. The number of villages comprised within each depended likewise on circumstances; but whether these were numerous, or the reverse, the Zemindar stood to the whole collectively in exactly the same relation in which the Potail stood towards one of them. Such was the case with the functionary, be his title what it may, who intervened between the more powerful Rajah and his local magistracy; such was, beyond all doubt, the case with the Zemindar of the Moguls.

The Zemindar of the Moguls was regarded by his master rather in the light of an officer of revenue, than anything else. He was permitted, indeed, to exercise, at the same time, the functions of a magistrate and civil judge, because, as I have already hinted, the internal arrangements of the country were preserved by the descendants of Nadhir Shah, as nearly as possible, in their ancient order. But it was chiefly in the collection of the revenue that he could be said to be employed by the emperor; and it was as a compensation for the discharge of that duty that he received his pay. From what source the pay of the Zemindar was derived may be shown in few words.

It has been stated, that to the public functionaries of villages, to the Potail and Culcurnee in particular, was granted a per centage on the gross amount of revenue, as a compensation for their labours in collecting it, and in preserving the peace of the village. Exactly similar was the situation of the Zemindar. Whilst the Potails collected from their fellow-parishioners, and, deducting their official dues, forwarded the surplus to the treasury of the Zemindar, the Zemindar in like manner deducted his per-centage, from the total collections of the various villages; and then, having satisfied another public officer, (the Conongoe,) whose duties I shall presently take occasion to describe, passed on the revenue to the treasury of the Dewan. Thus was he, both with respect to his duties, and VOL. XVIII.

to his emoluments, precisely the counter part of the Potail.

His revenue duties, however, consisted not only in collecting the tribute and taxes, but in making agreements with the Potail, in encouraging, as far as might be, the extension of cultivation, in taking charge of the waste lands, in granting them out to proper applicants, and in superintending, generally, the financial affairs of his Pergunnah. The kind of agreements into which the Zemindars entered with the heads of villages, may require explanation.

On a former occasion I shortly stated, that Akber, having abolished sundry vexatious taxes imposed upon the people by his predecessors, fixed the amount to be taken from each cultivator, as the government share, at onethird of the produce of the land. But though the amount to be paid by each cultivator was thus arbitrarily fixed, permission was granted to the local functionaries, and to the people themselves, to make such arrangements as might appear most beneficial for all parties, touching the precise mode of its collection. In ancient times, the universal practice throughout India, was to measure the crop after it had been reaped; and then the Potail, removing from the field the portion due to government, the Ryot was at liberty to place the remainder in his own barn. Latterly this practice had not been so closely followed. It was still, indeed, regarded as the most equitable mode of all; and it could be claimed by either party, in case of a dispute arising relative to the fairness of other arrangements. But to take charge of so much grain was, as may be imagined, neither agreeable nor convenient to the government, and hence we find Akber recommending, that his Zemindars should, as far as possible, enter into terms with the heads of villages, and accept compositions in money, in lieu of the public share of the crop.

To enable the Zemindar to do justice to his employer, and at the same time to hinder the people from suffering through his avarice or unjust exactions, periodical surveys of all the land in each Pergunnah were regularly held. This was effected by certain persons, at the head of whom was the Conongoe; the individuals actually employed being, indeed, no other

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than his deputies, or servants. On such occasions the Culeurnees of villages brought in their registers and accounts to the Conongoe, who was to the Pergunnah in every respect what they were to their own communities. If he had reason to be satisfied with these statements,-if, on comparing them with the statements of other years, he saw no cause to suspect the Culcurnees of an intention to deceive, he was generally content to go by them; if otherwise, or, indeed, if he felt so disposed, he was at liberty, without assigning any reason, to survey and measure the fields in his own proper person. Be it observed, moreover, that such surveys were meant to ascertain, not only the quantity of land in cultivation, but the nature of the crop which each particular field produced; and of these the most exact registers were preserved, not by the village notary alone, but by the Conongoe.

The survey being completed, and the Zemindar made acquainted with the state of cultivation in each village, he proceeded to strike a bargain, on the part of government, with its head. In case they came to terms, both parties were bound to fulfil their engage ments, let happen what would. If otherwise, the Zemindar, as the agent of the Mogul, waited till the season of reaping arrived, and then, by the aid of the village officers, subtracted his share. By this means a fruitful season was at once beneficial to the cultivator, and to the public treasury; in an unfavourable season, on the contrary, both suffered. But their sufferings were proportionable the one to the other; nor was the Ryot ever compelled to pay heavy taxes, when the elements had taken away his only means of paying them.

Among the various public officers employed in the revenue-department of the Mogul, none seems to have been more useful, or more important, than the Conongoe. He was invariably an Hindoo, of respectable family, and good education. He acted the double part of protector of the cultivators, and of the public interests; he was a check upon the Zemindar, on the one hand, and upon the Ryot, on the other; a reference to his register could at once put the government in possession of any information which might be required relative to the internal state of the country. If, by his report of one

year, it were found that cultivation had decreased in any Pergunnah, from its amount and value during the year preceding, inquiry could at once be set on foot, and the cause ascertained; and in case the Zemindar should appear to be in fault, he was punished. If, on the other hand, the cultivation of his district was extended, the Zemindar seldom failed to receive both commendation and reward. No peculation could occur among the collectors of the revenue; or if attempted, it might easily be detected; nor was it possible for the government to be deprived of its just share in the increasing prosperity and opulence of the country. Yet this functionary Lord Cornwallis abolished as utterly useless!

To return to the Zemindar. The Zemindar was not only a collector of revenue, but he was a judge, a magistrate, and the head of a very efficient police. It is probably needless to inform you, that in all oriental governments there is a natural tendency to combine offices, which, according to our more refined notions, appear wholly incompatible with one another. Thus the Zemindar, who was himself a collector of revenue, acted at the same time as judge in all questions relating to its collection. In case the Ryot felt himself aggrieved by the conduct of the Gomosta, or servant of the Zemindar, it was to the Zemindar that he brought his complaint; and though no doubt acts of oppression, on the part of the agent, would sometimes be countenanced by the employer, these could not, under a vigilant prince, prove very frequent. At all events, the Ryot or Potail, or whoever the complainant might be, knew where to carry his complaint; he was heard without form or delay; and if his grievances were not always redressed, they were at least not increased by the vexations which now attend the prosecution of a suit in our courts of justice. Nor is this all. Whilst an active and vigorous prince, such as Akber, or Humaioon, sat at the helm of state, a Zemindar felt that he could not oppress the people with impunity,-and hence there is no period of Indian history, during which the country at large appears to have enjoyed a better government, or a greater degree of prosperity, than whilst its affairs were administer ed by the monarchs just named.

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