brave ancestry. This rich land, they mean to keep, and the Georgians have set their hearts upon persuading them out of it; while the United States have interfered-saying, "Thus far shall ye go, but no farther." Such is the true ground of controversy. It arose out of the following facts: The Federal government, not long ago, while negotiating with Georgia, undertook to extinguish the Creek title to certain lands, within the boundaries of Georgia-so soon as it could be done peaceably, and by consent of the tribe. Not long after this, the Creeks, who found their fertile possessions literally wasting away from under their feet, called a meeting of their great men, and passed a law (which law was proposed by M'Intosh, a halfblooded chief, who had great influence with the tribe) making it capital for any chief to consent to the alienation of their lands. By and by, the people of Georgia undertake a treaty of purchase; but are baffled. Still persisting in their object, however, they get a few chiefs together, among whom was M'Intosh himself, who was employed in bribing others; and after a deal of negotiation, succeeded in obtaining another treaty of cession. The tribe refused to confirm the treaty, alleging, properly enough, that M'Intosh had violated their law; that he had no power, as chief, to convey the Creek lands, after such a law, if he ever had before; that only one other chief signed the treaty with him,-while many refused; and that both were to suffer death for attempting a violation of the law. The tribe were as good as their word. They gave judgment of death upon the two chiefs, and caused them to be shot, or tomahawked, without loss of time. But the Governor of Georgia took the part of M'Intosh; persisted in regarding the treaty as fair; and ordered the lands to be surveyed, for the use of the State. New troubles arose. The Creeks would not endure the survey; the Georgians were all on fire; and the United States immediately interposed, by sending off an agent, with a letter for Governor Troup (Georgia,) of which the following paragraph is an extract, and with powers which the said Governor complained of.— "I am instructed to say to your Excellency, says the Honourable James Barbour, Secretary at War, in his letter to Governor Troup, dated May 18, 1825, "that the President expects, from what has passed, as well as from the new state of feeling among the Indians, that the project of surveying their territory will be abandoned, by Georgia, till it can be done consistently with the treaty." To justify such language to the Governor of Georgia, from the Secretary at War, who was himself, but the other day, Governor of Virginia, we should observe, that, about one year ago, the Georgia Executive was rather saucy to the Federal Executive; and that the treaty, which had been obtained of the Indians, though ratified by the Senate of the United Sates -or approved, rather, is alleged by the Creeks to have been approved, in a great hurry; after much misrepresentation; without proper inquiry; on the faith, too, of interested parties. But for this, we do not believe that the Secretary at War would have dared so to write, under the eye of the President, in a letter to the chief magistrate of a republick. "The Presi dent expects," quoth James Barbour. It is new language for America. This letter is dated on the 18th of May, 1825. On the 3d of June, Governor Troup delivers a message to the Legislature of Georgia-a boyish eloquent affair; very worthy of a young man at college; but very unworthy of an old man-where he was urging them to take certain measures for their future dealing with the Federal Government. On the 6th, Mr Lumpkin, of the Select Committee, to whom was referred so much of the governor's message, as related to the improper interference of the United States government with the domestic affairs of Georgia, presented a report, with resolutions, from which the following are extracts: "The Committee, to whom was re◄ ferred so much of the Governor's message, as relates to the disposition, which has so often latterly, unhappi The people are as lavish of titles to each other-titles which are forbidden by law, too-as the wretched Italians are. ters and servants, under our own vine, and our own fig-tree, and confide our safety upon Him, who of old time looked down upon this state of things without wrath." (16.) In addition to all this, the committee echo the governor's words, who talks of " staving off" encroachment; and say that "having exhausted argument, they will stand by their arms;" pledging themselves, thereto, after the known style of America, with "their lives, their fortunes, and their sacred honour." ly, evinced itself in the different bran- "The great objects of the American Union were as simple in practice as beautiful in theory. They were as easily understood as they were important. The relations with foreign nations were confided to the united government. The powers necessary to the protection of the Confederated States, from enemies without, and from enemies within, alone were given. All others were retained by the several States, (8) as separate and so vereign, and must not be usurped by construction, (9) legislative, executive, or judiciary." "The States of the south will convey the products of a fertile soil and generous climate to the markets of the world. The world will open wide its arms to receive them. (10) Let our northern brethren then, if there is no peace in union, if the compact has become too heavy to be longer borne, in the name of all the mercies, (11) find peace among themselves. Let them continue to rejoice in their self-righteousness. Let them bask in their own Elysium, while they paint all south of the Potomac as hideous reverse. (12) As Athens, as Sparta, (13) as Rome was, we will be. They held slaves, we hold them. Let the north, then, form national roads for themselves. (14) Let them guard with tariffs their own interest. Let them deepen the public debt till a high-minded aristocracy shall rise out of it. We want none of all these blessings; (15) but, in the simplicity of the patriarchal government, we would still remain mas "The men of the south," add they, did not meanly stoop to calculate the cost, (in the war of 1776,) but resolved that the wrongs of a part were the wrongs of the whole American family;"" and conquered, in war on the mountain wave (17) and marshes of the west, the freedom of the trade of the world." We have done. We have only a few notes to add ; with a few illustrations; for such a paper, so entirely characteristic of the rash, haughty, unreasonable Georgia Legislator, should not go down to posterity without a few salutary explanations. At the north, in America, it will be read as a bit of declamation; of schoolboy rhetoric; laughed at, and thrown aside, for ever; but, in the south, it may produce a "considerable sensation." As a whole, it is a compound of egregious folly, fine talk, plain truth, and real good sense. Yet more-if it were purged of the superfluities, which we are going to speak of, it would be a superior state paper. It is amusing enough, by the way, to compare the messages and resolutions of the south, at any time, with the messages and resolutions of the north; a letter from De Witt Clinton, or Caleb Strong, with a letter from Governor Troup. You might swear to every word. One tries to be very poetical, the other, very reasonable. One paper has no sort of connexion; the other has too much. One is a grave, weighty syllogism; the other a showy piece of declamation. A message in the south, however absurd it may be, as a message, will be very sure to contain a paragraph or two, much beyond the style of a northern paper; while a message in the north, however it may be characterized by a severe and beautiful decorum, will be very sure to make you sleepy. Now, for the notes. (1.) Allusion is made here to the temper of which we spoke under title 6. Our observations were restricted there, to the Supreme Judiciary; but we might apply most of them to the Supreme Executive, and Supreme Legislative power; both of which are encroaching, every day, by interpretation. (2.)" Peace and repose;" altogether characteristic of a Georgian, who cares no more for the meaning of words, if they sound well, than a favourite singer does. (3.) (4.) Here is the indication of another confederacy-that of the Southern and Western States, against the Middle and Eastern. If this were to take place, it would leave but one slave State in the whole northern coalition (Maryland.) See our speculations in titles 3 and 4. (5.)" Retained rights." In this remark and in others which follow, the committee show a deal of good sense-apart from their fury and fervour. The rule of construction we take to be this. The power of the general government is a delegated power. The constitution of the United States is not a code of laws; but a paper, which must be interpreted, in every passage. Whatever is not expressly given to the Federal government; or expressly prohibited to the particular governments; and whatever is not necessary to the exercise of that power, which is given to the general government, is retained by the particular governments. (6.) "Snivelling insinuations."―Here the people of New England are directly meant; for they talk through the nose, or "snivel." See titles 4 and 7. (7.) See note (5.) above, on retained rights. (8.) See note (5.) above; and mark the rule of construction. (9.) Express reference here to the encroachment of the Judiciary. See notes (1.) and (4.) above. (10.) "Fertile soil and a generous climate." See title (2.) "The world will open wide its arms,"-fudge. (11.) (i2.) "Fair hits; for the northern people are indeed rather self-righteous;" but mark how the accusations are made up rhetoric with treason; childish talk with bitter sarcasm. See titles 4 and 7. (13.) "Sparta,"-worthy of Lacedæmon herself, that phrase; but see title 1. (14.) Sharp allusions here to the manufacturing interest, and mer◄ cantile interest-one of which is favoured by a tariff, the other by national roads, or by the consideration which its prodigious wealth procures for it. See titles 1 and 3. (15.) “We want none of these blessings;" ergo, they want no "national roads." (16.) An eloquent and brave, though not over-pious appeal. (17.) Very true. In the Revolutionary War, the State of Georgia was rather favoured by this country, in the hope of keeping her out of the coalition. But she would make "the wrongs of a part, the wrongs of the whole American family." She did well; but when her legislators, half a century afterwards, finish a proud allusion to her behaviour then, with a declaration that she has conquered in war, on the mountain wave (see Mariners of England') and marshes of the west, the freedom of the trade of the world !"—One hardly knows whether to pity, or laugh at her. What has Georgia ever done; what will she ever do, on the "mountain wave ?" and as for the "marshes of the west," we should like to know what they ever had, or can have, to do with" the trade of the world.” But quere-Will the Georgians persist in the survey? We dare say not; we hope not-for, if they should, the United States must and will protect the Indians. We hope not, because, although these talkative, blustering resolutions were reported by the com mittee, they do not appear to have been taken up, even for consideration. But if a serious quarrel should spring out of this-will Georgia find any supporters? We think she would. Every Southern State has a grudge of its own; with views, grievances, and hopes of its own. They have confederated heretofore, when they had each a separate interest, in other matters, because they had such a common interest, as this; and what has been, will be, or may be, again. If they should, they had better adopt the ori ginal arms of the Federal Association a rattle-snake, cut into a number of pieces, corresponding to the number of States, with the motto-Unite, or Die. Miller's American Reading-Room, N. SOUTHEY'S TALE OF PARAGUAY. WE fear that Mr Southey has As in due order many a latent power greatly over-rated the merits of this poem, and that it is unworthy of his high genius and reputation. He takes his motto from Wordsworth"Go forth, my little book, Expands,...humanity's exalted dower: Beheld him flourish like a vigorous flower, Go forth, and please the gentle and the By seasonable suns and kindly showers is good." Now, perhaps Mr Southey will not acknowledge those readers to be among "the gentle and the good," who are not pleased with his little book. For our own parts we have been pleasedconsiderably pleased with it-but our admiration of Mr Southey's powers cannot blind us to that which the whole world, himself excepted, will speedily pronounce to be a somewhat melan choly truth-namely, that the "Tale of Paraguay" is, with many paltry, and a few fine passages, an exceeding ly poor poem, feeble alike in design and execution. The poem opens with an address to the spirit of Dr Jenner, and then describes at some length the ravages of the small-pox among a feeble nation of Guarani race.' The progress of depopulation is sketched but indifferently, and one couple only are left alive, Quiara and Monnema. They build themselves a leafy bower in a glade beside the slow stream of the Mondai, and in due time a child is born. fed. So terminates the First Canto. The few stanzas we have quoted are among the best; and it is altogether inconceivable to us, how a true poet, such as Mr Southey, could have so miserably failed in tracing a picture of se A Tale of Paraguay. By Robert Southey. London: Longman, Hurst, Rees, Orme, Brown, and Green. and the reader is informed that her husband, having nobody to shoot for him, was prevented from taking to his bed, on the occasion, according to the "custom strange" of many savage tribes. Serious poetry furnishes no such instance of folly as this, which is, in truth, more like the drivelling of a Cockney dotard, than the inspiration of England's Laureate. Canto Second commences with a short description of the grief of Monnema in her sudden widowhood, of her resignation, and the comfort springing from the birth of another babe. The affection and delight with which the brother and sister regard each other, as they grow up into feeling and intelligence, are very beautifully described. Was shadow'd there imperfectly, I ween, Time had been when, expert in works of In this fair creature: safe from all of fence, Expanding like a shelter'd plant serene, Evils that fret and stain being far from See Noctes.-C. N. 9 |