Combats!-But were that strife for evermore Triumphant o'er the weakness of mankind ;- Enough of this;-at length he died.-And why And, better 'twere a blooming wreath to seize Ye worldlings then,-" admit me of your crew," With pomp and energy, the minstrel strain, And Folly's crown with acclamation gain ;Her cap and bells.-Oh, rare !-far nobler meed, Than deathless honours to the bard decreed ! Ay-this is life!-Who, but a madman, so Had linger'd in the forest's fading bower ?- On the fair groups that wander here below!- Not so.-Mark yonder youth, whose deep dark eyes His are no feelings now to harmonize With those who tread in Pleasure's giddy round; The transient spells are broken and unbound, Yet earlier days have been, when on that brow Of earlier joys stands Harold all forlorn ; No!-like the faint moan of th' autumnal wind, And while, of lot obscure, the reckless thrall, I glean the wither'd leaves that round me fall, And, fall'n like them, yet shrink not to impart The homage of a life-worn, wither'd heart. While with a stern and scornful aspect there, His "mind's eye" dwells on scenery far remote,- Lakes, mountains, heaths, and rivers known of yore,- All pleasures he hath tried, and transiently In eager haste, from clime to clime he flew, A master's hand across the harp-strings threw, Not for himself alone, (that pilgrim lorn,) His numbers breath'd, but through the world were borne. Ay,-like the billows of the stormy sea, From shore to shore the spreading echoes broke, And in his native land, with homage free, Applauding multitudes their wonder spoke. Proudly he mark'd his own supremacy, And conscious triumph in his heart awoke. For though, with influence undenied, he wields From wasting thoughts, that are with life entwin'd, "All is delusion !" next, in wrath, he said, Ye saints and wise men,-in your pomp and pride, Say what yourselves have done, or yet may do? Ye saints and wise men! what is here your claim Yet whilom ruled a critic, who perchance Chanting a prelude to high minstrelsy, Came on blue wings with yellow tiny lance, Struck him, and deem'd the youth would prostrate lie.Bravo, poor wasp! thou did'st the lion wake, And gad-flies shall be honour'd for thy sake. "Of all who flatter'd, follow'd, sought, and sued," Dauntless and true, beneath even Sorrow's sway, Enough of this. If life be wearisome, If pleasures are out-worn, and friends are few,- But to the goal, what path shall he pursue? In vain-in vain! Truth, I have said, erewhite Scarce have we mark'd her beauty ere 'tis gone!— These words did Harold prove. Mark how the cloud As if in darkness fittingly to shroud Those isles that lured him to his last career. And Liberty was blazon'd far and near ;- Death came at last: No matter how. The veil That steals on man from amaranthine bowers?. A shower of wither'd foliage through the wood Who speaks but to the winds and dashing streams: And chants, to while a midnight hour away, A song unmeet, I ween, for critic's ear, Where wayward thoughts the faltering numbers sway, M. M. BYRON. MY DEAR SIR, Eskgrove, August 22, 1825. AMONG a number of letters which I have been lately looking over from Lord Byron, the inclosed, I think, may be published without violating the proprieties of private life, or betraying the confidence of friendship. It is not only interesting on account of the matter it contains, but shows his spirit in a more amiable and kinder character than the invidious part of the world has been willing to allow to it. With all his peculiarities of temper, (faults they may perhaps have been,) there was without question a vast fund of good feeling and of true generosity in his disposition.-It is of no consequence to the public what was the circumstance which gave occasion to the inclosed, but the work referred to is the Bride of Abydos. TO CHRISTOPHER NORTH, Esq. Pray, omit the paragraph respecting MY DEAR GALT, THERE was no offence-there could be none. I thought it by no means impossible that we might have hit on something similar, particularly as you are a dramatist, and was anxious to assure you of the truth, viz. that I had not willingly seized upon plot, sentiment, or incident; and I am very glad that I have not, in any respect, trenched upon your subjects. Something still more singular is, that the first part, where you have found a coincidence in some event within your observations on life, was drawn from observations of mine also! And I meant to have gone on with the story, but, on second thoughts, I thought myself two centuries at least too late for the subject, which, though admitting of very powerful feeling and description, yet is not adapted for this age, at least this country, though the finest works of the Greeks, one of Schiller's, and one of Alfieri's, in modern times, besides several of our old (and best) dramatists, have been grounded on incidents of a similar cast. I therefore altered it, as you R Yours truly, J. G. perceive, and in so doing have weakened the whole, by interrupting the train of thought; and in composition I do not think second thoughts are the best, though second expressions may improve the first ideas. * I do not know how other men feel towards those they have met abroad, but to me there seems a kind of tie established between all who have met together in a foreign country, as if we had met in a state of pre-existence, and were talking over a life that has ceased. But I always look forward to renewing my travels; and though you, I think, are now stationary, if I can at all forward your pursuits there as well as here, I shall be truly glad in the opportunity. Ever yours, very sincerely. B. P. S. I believe I leave town for a day or two on Monday; but after that I am always at home, and happy to see you, till half past two. LETTERS ON THE PRESENT STATE OF INDIA. No. V. I AM perfectly aware, that in the description which I laid before you in my last letter, of the system of internal government acted upon in British India, many imperfections will be discovered by the savants. The limits within which I felt bound to confine myself, rendered it impracticable to do full justice to a subject so extensive and so important. Nevertheless, you may rely upon the correctness of my detail as far as it goes; whilst of the numerous omissions perceptible in it, some must still remain unnoticed, whilst others will be partly supplied in the following narrative of the effects of our enactments upon the condition of the people, and the general prosperity of the country. It would be difficult to decide which of all the innovations made by Lord Cornwallis upon the ancient usages of India has wrought the greatest sum of misery among its inhabitants. By several high authorities it is affirmed, that had his Lordship fallen into no other political mistake, his mode of acting towards the Zemindars was of itself sufficient to bring ruin upon the country; and so far these gentlemen are correct, that, in the theory which placed the Zemindars upon a footing with the European barons of the middle ages, we may discover the root and source of all his Lordship's other blunders. But his Lordship committed sundry grievous mistakes besides that. Of these I now proceed to give you an account one by one, beginning with the consequences of the proprietory grant to the Zemindars, and then going on to the workings of the new judicial and police machinery. The difference between a Žemindar of 1707 and 1793 may be thus briefly stated. At the former of these periods, he was an hereditary officer of revenue, who discharged, at the same time, the functions of a magistrate, or superintendant of police, and was paid by a per centage, generally to the amount of one tenth part on the amount of his collection. While thus circumstanced, he was liable, in case of malversation, to severe bodily punishment. The management of his Zemindary might for a time be taken away from him, VOL. XIX. and consigned to a Sazawul, or government agent; his personal property and private glebe might be confiscated; he might even be expelled from his situation altogether, and have a choice submitted to him either to embrace Mahomedanism or suffer death. Yet his family rarely lost their rank in society. His son, his nephew, sometimes his widow, under proper tutelage, was invariably vested with the office and dignity of Zemindar; nay, so attentive were the Moguls to this matter, that even when the farming system became universal, and strangers were permitted to bid for the revenues of Pergunnahs, the stranger who succeeded in levying the collections became bound to pay to the family of the Zemindar the usual Nancar, and exercised the authority granted to him in the name of his pensioner. It seems, indeed, to have been the decided policy of the Mussulmans, never, unless driven to it by necessity, permanently to depose a Zemindar, or to reduce his family to mix with the lower orders of the people. In the year 1793, the Zemindar found himself vested with a nominal property in the soil of his Pergunnah. In exchange for this, he gave up all the judicial and financial authority which his fathers had exercised for ages, and was thrown into a situation, to him utterly unintelligible, and very far from being agreeable-that of a mere country gentleman. Under the new regulations, moreover, his pecuniary resources were by no means increased. The rental of his estate was estimated for him, so as that the Ryot, or tenant, might enjoy two-fifths of the produce of the soil. The sums extracted from the Ryots were again made up into a single account, and the supreme government having asserted its claim to ten shares of the whole, one share, and one share only, was left for the landlord. Again, the Zemindar was no longer liable to the cruel punishments formerly inflicted by the Mahomedans upon defaulters. No: long imprisonment, bodily torture, &c. were measures far too harsh for the new authorities; and hence, whilst his person was rendered secure 3 F |