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lions?' are there not multiplied and grievous corruptions, both in church and ftate, highly detrimental to the moral and civil interests of the community at large? Does not our duty to God, and to our brethren of mankind, call on us to advance the cause of piety and virtue, peace and happiness, by the removal of these evils? Mr. Wyvill, with many other able and excellent men among us, anfwers thefe queftions in the affirmative; and accordingly, as an honeft and upright citizen should do, he labours to correct what he deems amifs, by pointing out a plan of ecclefiaftical and political reform, fo judicious and moderate, that, we should think, no reasonable objection could be urged against it.
So it is however, that there is always fomething found to urge against every attempt at reformation. There is always fomething wrong, either in the matter, or in the manner, of every reformer. Is he warm and zealous in his cause, and high in his demands? the conftitution is in danger: "He that turneth the world upfide down is come hither alfo." Is he cool and temperate in his language, and moderate in his views? He has chofen an improper hour for his purpose: "Go thy way for this time; when I have a convenient season I will call for thee."
The danger of fuch policy, and its neceffary tendency to create the very difturbance and tumult which governments affect fo much to dread, are well afferted, and maintained, toward the clofe of Mr. Wyvill's defence. We recommend what is there faid, and indeed the whole of this excellent pamphlet, to the serious attention of all who truly love their country.
For JUNE, 1792.
TRIAL of MR. HASTINGS.
Art. 24. An Account of the Expences incurred by the Solicitors em-
By this account, we learn that, to the feveral other extraordinary circumftances attending the impeachment of Mr. Haftings, must be added nearly 37,000l. of the public money already expended; befide the obftruction which it occafions to the progrefs of the national bufinefs! To thofe, who are fond of litigation, it may prove agreeable paftime when others are to pay the bills: but, as no enjoyment is without its correctives in this world, the tide of popularity in this profecution has been on the turn for fome time, and the impeachers are themfelves boldly impeached in every step which they have
taken. They cannot be in better hands than they are at prefent, antil the public, afhamed of looking on any longer, undertake to drive out the mouse with which the mountain has been groaning fo piteously during the last five years.-This is a curious and valuable publication:-the more valuable, on account of the editor's explanatory notes, &c. &c.
SLAVERY and SUGAR COLONIES.
Art. 25. The Cafe of the Sugar Colonies. Svo. PP. 97.
A fhort expreffive title is good evidence of the merit of a literary work. The makers and fellers of books never think that they can fufficiently blazon the contents, nor promise enough, in the front, to invite purchafers; while a man, who is feriously intent on his fubject, difdains clumsy amplification, and contents himself with giving to his production a neat fententious form without as well as within. We have received much information and fatisfaction in the perufal of this difpaflionate, cool, and argumentative performance; which ftates the circumstances of our Weft Indian islands, our treatment of them, and the tendency of that treatment, in a clear, comprehenfive, and convincing manner. To all, therefore, who are interested, or who wish to form juft ideas, on a very important subject, we can recommend this tract as containing the fentiments of a well-informed and judicious writer. N. Art. 26. Hiftorical Sketches of the Slave-trade, and of its Effects in Africa. Addreffed to the People of Great Britain. By the Right Hon. Lord Muncaster. 8vo. pp. 100. 2 S. Stockdale,
The principal object of Lord Muncafter, in these sketches, is to prove that the trade in Negroe flaves owed its origin to American Weft Indian colonization;-and that the Weft Indian plantations might be the first occafion of a naval refort to Africa for flaves, may be very true. It is no part of our province to engage in a contro verfy on the fubject, or it might not be difficult to fhew that a regular flave-trade is carried on by the Moors of Barbary and their oriental neighbours, by an inland current intercourse, to a far greater extent than ever was attempted by the Europeans on the coaft. As this trade, however, does not come under general obfervation, the antiquity of it may not be easily traced: but it is probably coeval with eaftern maxims and modes of government, which are old enough to exculpate Europeans from being the origizal contrivers of this odious article of commerce. Odious it certainly is but we do not perceive that our noble author has thrown any new light on the fubject; and his work is written in too confident and petulant a style to be read with pleasure. His Lordship may plead an honeft indignation at the hard fate of Negroes, yet furely he is not to be informed, that flaves are to be found in our own country, who, on his principle of fiat juftitia, claim emancipation at our hands, before we become eager champions for African liberty. It is the cruel fate of every Briton, who engages in feafaring employment, or is known ever to have been fo engaged, to be marked out
for a flave whenever our government enters into hoftilities with any other nation. We then, with an apathy utterly incompatible with our present fenfibility, can fee our helpless countrymen dragged in a most brutal manner from their peaceful habitations and families, by gangs of armed ruffians, and devoted to the most imminent perils of life both by fire and by water, as long as defpotic power pleafes. Under this fpecies of flavery, refiftance or efcape is punished with various degrees of severity, even to pofitive death! All this harsh treatment of our free-born countrymen we can coolly overlook, while every paffion is rouzed, and all obftacles are borne down, for an experimental extenfion of benevolence to men of another fpecies. This conduct has too much resemblance to that of a neighbouring prince, who officioufly bufied himself in procuring for ftrangers, three thoufand miles diftant, what he withheld from his own fubjects! He now is tafting the natural fruits of fuch heroifm.
We are as warm wishers for an abolition of the flave-trade, as Lord Muncaster can poffibly be; or, to exprefs ourselves with more precision, as ardently defire that we could fafely quit all concern in it: for the powers of Europe combined are only able to stop the western markets, and leave the Africans to their own ufages elfewhere: but, were this done, the work is but half accomplished; and we are driven into a disguftful dilemma; for, after renouncing this unnatural trade with fuch ftrong expreffions of abhorrence, what is to be the fate of thofe poor negroes thus procured, and in our poffeffion? The fociety for the abolition of the flave-trade, who protest against gradual measures, have publicly advertised that their views have been induftriously MISREPRESENTED, by a report that the emancipation of the negroes in the British colonies is the object of their exertions.' Can we then, after execrating, with so much vehemence, the practice of enflaving the Africans, can we unblushingly ftill continue to affert a property in the many thousands that we have among us? can we ftill exact their labour, and fill transfer them as our proper chattels? Is not this contraft of words and actions a molt infulting mockery of the fufferings which we have fo pathetically deplored? Did this fociety and their well-wishers fincerely confider the negroes as on an equality with themselves as rational men, (and they have all along pleaded their caufe as the caufe of their fellow-creatures,) would they venture to tantalize them thus? Are they prepared for all confequences that may enfue from inconfiftency; or are they altogether regardless of the evils that may fall on others, by their eager activity in urging a partial good-May all things be over-ruled for the best! N.
Art. 27. Remarks on the late Decifion of the House of Commons re-
This is a well written and clofe examination of the arguments urged in the debate on the flave-trade, which terminated in the refolution for its gradual abolition; and the ingenious author preffes home the inconfiftency of condemning a trade as iniquitous, and allowing any farther duration of fuch iniquity, however limited. N.
Art. 28. A Letter to the Members of Parliament who have prefented
The West India merchant is, as may be fuppofed, an opponent to Lord Muncafter: but as the champions confine their attention to different parts of the fubject of flavery, their arguments do not come in direct conflict. Lord Muncafter dwells principally on the cruel injuftice of buying men for flaves, and on the bafe methods by which they are currently fuppofed to be procured for fale, but wholly overlooks the thoufands already thus procured and in flavery, who are refigned to what is understood to be a miferable fate. The Weft India merchant, on the contrary, meddles not with the trade for flaves, but dwells on the political circumstances of the islands, and inquires how the planters and this country would be affected by its abolition. Moreover, not having read, as we fuppofe, the advertisement of the Abolition Society, in which they pofitively disclaim all views of emancipating the negroes in our poffeffion, he ad vifes Mr. Wilberforce, with his affociates, to prepare the minds of the negroes for the proper enjoyment of liberty, before it is conferred on them; from fear of rouzing their paffions to acts of barbarifm and confufion. He enforces this advice, by fhewing that the advances of liberty in Europe were gradual, keeping pace with the improvement of the mind. It is dangerous to tear away at once the bandage from eyes that have remained long in darknefs, and at once to expofe them to the full blaze of the meridian fun. In order to the perfect emancipation of flaves, it is neceffary, in the first place, that they be made capable of being good members of civil fociety. The full tide of freedom let in upon them all of a fudden, would only intoxicate their brain, and lead them into a courfe of vicious excels, that must involve mifery and ruin, both to them felves and others connected with them in fociety.'
They have heard enough at St. Domingo to anfwer this melancholy purpose; whether the above mentioned advertisement, figned Granville Sharp, will correct what may have been agitated among the negroes in the British islands, when they will find themfelves cheated with a vain fhew of liberty, which yet they may not tafte, is one of the experiments of which we are now to abide the event.N. Art. 29. A Defence of the Planters in the Weft Indies; comprized in Four Arguments: I. On Comparative Humanity; II. On Comparative Slavery; III. On the African Slave-trade; and IV. On the Condition of Negroes in the Weft Indies. By Jeffe Foot, Surgeon. 8vo. pp. 101. 25. Debrett. 1792.
The Weft India planters have found a judicious and able advocate in Mr. Foot, whofe reafoning merits the attention of every one who interefts himself in the fubject: thofe, indeed, who read nothing but what ftrengthens their prepoffeffions, are out of the question. Under the first of his general heads, Comparative Humanity, Mr. Foot thinks, and with fome reafon, that there are occafions enough for the exertions of humanity at home among ourselves, many of which he points out, before we carry it abroad. He diftinguishes humanity REV. JUNE 1792. Q under
under the dictates of good fenfe, from enthusiasm; and he even thinks that the benevolent Mr. Howard would have been more usefully employed in studying how to keep people out of prisons, than how to accommodate them when they are in confinement. The obfervation may have truth in it, without difparaging Mr. Howard's labours. In the diversity of objects before us, fome betake themfelves to one department and fome to another; and Mr. Foot ought to reflect that innocence has often the hard lot to be thruft into a prifon. He points out, with much force and truth, a restraint on the confumption of fpirituous liquors, did not the mistaken policy of statesmen intervene, as the first step for reforming the morals of the poor, to the prevention of crimes, and of courfe to fuperfede the dire remedy of punishment for them when committed. If we had more humanity than is urgently required at home, Mr. Foot would freely bestow the furplus of it on any objects abroad that best claimed it but he adds that we ought to commence our duty as citizens of the world with clean hands, after having discharged our obligations to our own country.
Under his fecond head, Comparative Slavery, Mr. Foot finds worfe flavery and more diftrefs, in fome ranks and fituations in Europe, than are to be found in a West India plantation; and in examining the various circumftances of foldiers, failors, peafants, and colliers, with other miners, he appears to establish his pofition.
In confidering his third and fourth heads, the African Slave-trade, and the Condition of Negroes in the Weft Indies, Mr. Foot refts on the evidence produced before the House of Commons. He is a fevere critic on Mr. Wilberforce's fpeech on thefe points, charging him with making ufe of fuch parts only of the evidence as fuited his purpofe, and with rejecting the reft, though of the moft refpectable and confiftent nature. From this rejected teftimony, Mr. Foot produces fuch reprefentations as have been repeatedly quoted by others on the fame fide of the question, and confirms them by his own experience; he having been himself, during three years, in the Weft Indies, where he had the medical care of two thousand negroes; and he declares that, during his practice, he never was called to give relief to any negroe fuffering from chalti fement. At the clofe of his pamphlet, Mr. Foot offers good hints for encouraging the popula tion of negroes in our iflands; which, if fome ferious religious attention were beftowed on their minds, as well as on the minds of their masters, might overturn the current opinion that the prefent number of negroes on the Welt India islands cannot be supported by their own population.
As a fubject of this magnitude calls for the most mature judgment, we are happy in the reflection that it is yet under the investigation of a fuperior tribunal.
N. Art. 30. An Apology for Slavery; or Six Cogent Arguments against the immediate Abolition of the Slave-trade. 8vo. pp. 47. Is. Johnfon. 1792.
We now conceive fome faint hopes of being relieved from farther animadverfions on the flave-trade, fince, from grave reasoning, we defcend to builefque: but fhould this ironical apology even be