have not only characters well defcribed, but thofe characters are active throughout. The fituations and conduct of the parties are diverfified: but we have to add, which indeed is a fault common to the generality of thefe compofitions, that they are, in many refpects, improbable, and unnatural. N. Art. 38. Eugenia and Adelaide. 12mo. 2 Vols. 5s. fewed. Dilly. 1791. The trifling diftinctions obfervable in thefe compofitions of love and the vicisitudes of its fuccefs, often prevent us from difcriminating the merits of one from another; fo that they might be bundled up by the dozen, under a general defcription. All that the prefent inftance demands, is an acknowlegement that it is not one of the worst. MEDICINE. N. Art. 39. An Analyfis of the Medicinal Waters of Tunbridge Wells. 8vo. pp. 31. 1s. Murray. 1792. This analyfis was undertaken in confequence of one of the fprings at Tunbridge Wells having been covered; and the question to be decided was, whether this circumftance had, in any respect, altered the qualities of the water? It is determined, that the only advantage derived to the fpring from the cover, is cleanliness; and that the water undergoes no alteration, fo long as fuch covering does not entirely exclude the external air.-The cover, however, having been removed, in compliance with the general opinion, renders the queftion of no importance: but as the author had entered into an inquiry concerning the component parts of thefe fprings, he was induced to lay before the public the refults of his investigation. The contents of a wine gallon of thefe waters are thus ftated; 5. Art. 40. Reflections on Dr. Smith's Practice in Difeafes of Debility. conclufion!) by recommending, as a fecret, an infallible medicine in difeafes of debility, Dr. Smith's tonic remedy; though he must know that Dr. Smith's remedies were varied according to the varieties of the diforders in which he was confulted; and that his practice and prefcriptions were open to any one who chose to examine them. How the writer can reconcile this kind of impofition to his confcience, we know not; unless he reforts to the excufe which was pleaded by the apothecary who fold poison to Romeo. Art. SCHOOL-BOOKS. 41. A Syftem of French Accidence and Syntax, intended as an Illuftration, Correction, and Improvement of the Principles laid down by Chambaud on those Subjects, in his Grammar. By the Rev Mr. Holder of Barbadoes. Third Edition; with Notes by G. Satis. 8vo. PP. 420. 4s. bound. Dilly. 1791. Art. 42. Claffical Exercifes upon the Rules laid down in Holder's Chambaud's French Grammar. By G. Satis. 8vo. pp. 104. 15. 6d. bound. Dilly. 1792. Art. 43. Claffical Exercises upon the Rules of the French Syntax, with References to Holder's Chambaud's Grammar. By G. Satis. 8vo. pp. 200. 2s. 6d. bound. Dilly. 1792. Art. 44. The Guide to Satis's Claffical Exercises on the Rules of French Syntax By G. Satis. 8vo. pp. 122. 1s. 6d. bound. Dilly. 1792. Thefe four books fall properly under one article: we have therefore claffed them together. The firft of them has already obtained a tribute of commendation in our Review for March 1783, vol. lxviii. p.281. to which we refer the reader. The third edition receives farther notes from Mr. Satis, who had himself been engaged in a purfuit of the like kind before Mr. Holder's Syftem made i:s appearance. To this work, the three, which follow, entirely relate: they are intended to affift the fcholar in its ufe, and to enable him to employ it in the moft intelligible and beneficial manner. Mr. Satis mult have beftowed confiderable attention, as well as much time, on thefe little volumes; in which he offers exercifes adapted to the different parts of the grammars, and accompanies them with farther references to the proper word in the dictionary, by which Jast we find he means Nugent's Pocket-dictionary, the fifth and fixth editions. The two books of claffical exercifes are in other respects the fame, but this great diftinction runs throughout, viz. that the larger of the two contains every minute reference, whereas the fmaller has only thofe of a more general kind; and they are published in this manner, that the preceptor and the fcholar may make choice of that which feems most likely to facilitate and promote their purpofe. It is probable that if the learner has refolution to pursue attentively the plan here laid down, he will find it beneficial, and indeed entertaining, even though at first it should prove fomewhat irkfome. The other book, called the Guide, gives moft, or all, of the different paffages beforementioned, in their more perfect form, French and English; and whereas the Exercises finish with nouns of number, the fentences here collected proceed to verbs and adverbs. adverbs. Mr. Satis informs the public, that, fhould his plan be approved, be wili immediately publish the other part, and carry on the exercises throughout verbs, adverbs, prepofitions, and conjunctions. He is anxious left any reader fhould mistake or not underftand his fcheme, and recommends fuch perfons to call on him at No. 6. Clifford's Inn, on Tuesdays, Thurfdays, or Saturdays, between fix and eight o'clock in the evening, for farther explanation. -He alfo invites and entreats thofe who are unacquainted with the French language, to point out his errors, or to afford him any remarks which may afflift the improvement of his work. POLITICS and POLICE. Hi...s. Art. 45. An Addrefs from the General Committee of Roman Catholics, De Reports having been circulated, that the late application of the Roman Catholics in Ireland, for relief, extends to unlimited and total emancipation, it is here declared, in refolutions from their General Committee, that the whole of their late applications to the Legislature, and their intended Petition, extend no farther than to the following objects: admifion to the profeffion and practice of the law; capacity to ferve in country magiftracies; a right to be fummoned and to ferve on grand and petty juries; and the right of voting, in counties only, for Proteftant members of parliament; in fuch a manner, however, as that a Roman Catholic freeholder should not vote unless he either rented and cultivated a farm of twenty pounds per annum, in addition to his freehold of forty fhillings, or poffeffed a freehold to the annual amount of twenty pounds. For the full refutation of the evil reports and calumnies which have been circulated against them, this Addrefs is published by order and in the name of the General Committee. To the charge, that the Committee, and all the Roman Catholics, who stood forth on this occafion, are unlettered, poor, mechanical, members of their perfuafion; it is replied, that the names and characters of the perfons who have figned Refolutions in favour of the General Committee, are of the first refpectability, in every class and every line which the law has left open to them. In reply to the reprefentation, that they have no ftake in the profperity of their country, and nothing to hazard in the evil of public calamity; it is afferted, that the property of thofe who have figned refolutions in their favour, cannot be estimated at less than ten millions fterling. The accufation, that they are turbulent and feditious, and have formed regular plans for the intimidation of parliament, is denied, and their opponents (among whom are bodies of addreffers, represented to be the Roman Catholic landed intereft, with Lord Kenmare at their head,) are required to convict them of a fingle unconftitutional proceeding: A a 4 • We We confefs, that we are at a lofs to divine on what facts this alarm and outcry of intimidation can be founded. We have done nothing. No Roman Catholic has done, or propofes to do any thing, but to make an expofition of his true fituation to the humanity, to the juftice, to the judgment of our fellow-fubje&s, of our fovereign and his parliament. Is this intimidation? Is it fedition or commotion, direct or indirect? On what principle is it pretended? Muft we lock up our forrows in our hearts; and are we alone denied the free unreftrained indulgence of complaint-the confolation of wretchedness, and the privilege of flavery itself? Are we not to argue, are we not even to ftate our cafe? Are our grievances of a kind, or is our relation to the laws of our country such, that to dilate on their tendency and operation would harrow up the foul of man, and fet in action all the fecret fprings and feeds of infurrection? And is the lot of our people fo bad, is their comparative condition fo wholly defolate, that to direct their attention to the enjoyments of their countrymen and fellow-fubjects, and to fuggeft the poffeffion of fimiler advantages, is to kindle in their breasts the fire of an unextinguishable ambition? Alas! we are afraid it is almoft too true. We do, indeed, labour under legal incapacities, infinite in number, and boundlefs in extent. They wring us in a thousand places, and in a thousand fhapes. This mafs of unwieldy and fevere exclufion is fupported by prejudices, roo ed in antiquity, hereditary and tranfmiffive, engrained by education, and confirmed by habit. What are we to do? We know that God has given lamentation to woe, folicitation to defire, importunity to want, images of diftrefs to affect the feelings, and argument to conquer prejudice. These are the inftincts of nature, the armory of our hearts, to defend and to relieve us from oppreffion. And shall we not use them? If this is fedition, if it is fedition to address ourselves to the fenfibility, to the justice, to the patriotifm, to the honour, to the gratitude, to the interests of our countrymen; if it is fedition to indicate the points in which we are more peculiarly galled by the preffure of unequal laws; to fhew that our excommunication from the liberties of our country taints the fource and impairs the effence of thofe very liberties; if to demonftrate that reftrictions upon the free ufe of the property which industry has acquired, and the talents which God has given to prove that the long catalogue of our difabilities and incapacities are fo many clogs, bars and remoras to the courfe of national profperity; and, if it is a crime against the State, to make it appear, that the disfranchisement of THREE MILLIONS of the people is a void and hollow chafm, which has yawned for a hundred years, and yet yawns at the foot of the throne, and under the foundation of the established church; if to fuggeft the natural, evident, happy, effectual, safe and universal remedy for all thofe evils, be to intimidate parliament, we are guilty of the charge. What is worfe, we do not know how we fhall be able to avoid it in future. It is not in our power not to know, that we are eftranged, as it were, and dead to the conftitution. It is impoffible for us not to defire (if not a total emancipation), at least, that a growing principle may be established, by which we may once more more be gathered into the bofom, and transfufed into the circulation of the State. Whatever entreaty, whatever reason, whatever argument can do to effect it, we are bound at leaf to attempt; we are bound to our felves, and to our country, to ufe and to exhauft whatever refources are to be found in the fundamental laws of the land, in the rules of eternal juftice, and in the more liberal, but equally certain fphere of national policy. And where does that growing principle refide? In the elective franchife (that effence of a free conftitution), and in that alone. Any even the minuteft portion of that vivifying principle, that root of freedom, and fource of public fecurity, and of perfonal confequence,-" binding us to our fellow-fubjects by mutual intereft and mutual affection," interweaving us in all the concernments of focial life, in time muft, and alone can, wear out all diftinctions, level all inequalities, and uniting the whole people in one bond of common prosperity and reciprocal obligation, cement the fabric both of THE STATE and of THE CHURCH. For why should we wish to injure, or why should we not defend a Church, the ftrength and ornament of that State from which it no longer excludes us?' In purfuit of the conftitutional object of their ambition, they acknowlege that, in a qualified fenfe, they inftitute a claim of right; at the fame time, they are willing to receive every conceffion in their favour, as flowing from the free unconstrained benignity of parliament and their fovereign. The charges which are brought against them, they conceive to have a tendency to alarm the minds of their Proteftant fellow-fubjects, and to revive religious animofity. To prove that they are groundlefs, they akk, • Why fhould our fellow-fubjects view us with fcornful and fufpicious eyes? We defire them to appeal to the real fentiments of their own hearts, for our true difpofitions and principles. If they have feen us in private life, honeft, laborious, peaceable; faithful to our engagements, and juft in our dealings: if they have afted with us upon that affurance, why do they fuppofe, when we defire to enter into a larger communication of the focial benefits, that we are actuated by evil motives? If we have been found true in the routine of ordinary trufts, why fhould it be fuppofed that we fhall prove falfe in that one fuperiour covenant, by which we all are bound to the ftate, and under which all the duties and all the engagements of life are comprehended? What they have knowa us to be, fuch still we are. We are not confpirators against the Church or State. We do not grudge to Proteftants the advantages of conftitutional rights. We defire to partake in them as benefits, in which the acquifition of one man is not the detriment of another-free and common benefits. The conftitution is large enough for us all. And let it be remembered that we ask the poffeffion of nothing, and only a bare capacity to acquire; and that not extending to all things, but limited even in thofe to which it does extend.' To this reafonable expoftulation we do not fee what can be objected. Indeed the whole appeal is written with fo much good fenfe and temper, |