THE MINDS OF OTHERS.

ΤΑ

ying them medals, to be hung by ribends
by the permission to put feathers in

loyed in all nations, the most
their hands; and all the other
nting them with painted wicks, called
vilised, to mark the who
elves in these fell struggles

physical force of

of the nation,

worldly, rapacious, and tyrannical character:
nothing of religion but what they heard f
or saw in them, they soon became pers
a mere trick to obtain money and po
lations passed from religion to polit
that the Divine right, by which
govern their subjects as they sa
and kindred trick to obtain m
these two deceptions-the
were employed to uphold
having gained possessio
French people, they
their condition, as s
rulers. The sover
this discontent by
retaliation, and
against the m

their seats T

Other r

the cont larly B

army, and

9

having thus gradually

y power which w itself; and many erve their property and themselves to the clergy and

ue Church of Rome, as the only al order. This they mistake for a reavour of monarchical and clerical despoand le it is nothing more than the rallying of inf

hower

who

ons possess property round the chief abettors of physical force, to protect them from the dreaded results of those speculations which they know to be fermenting among the people. To aid this imaginary reaction, or rather to obtain a despotism for himself, upheld by physical force, the president of the French republic is endeavouring to gain the army by giving them sweetmeats; and some of the soldiers, to express their approbation of this new but pleasant accompaniment to a review, are shouting "Vive Napoléon," and even" Vive l'Empereur."

Meanwhile the malcontents are driven back, fortunately for themselves, upon the very source of their strength, and the employment of that weapon by which

advanced from their prostrate condition to their ded, and really formidable power, the comtheir thoughts, and the diffusion of their effect of this weapon will doubtless be e revolting executions and massacres of which the soldiers have been redispose multitudes of humane themselves, to take part with The only remedy for this ly politic of Europe, is the

THE MINDS OF OTHERS.

230

permission to put feathers in

with painted sticks, called

medals, to be hung by ribands

jons, the most

and all the other

men who

kind, which will correct

s of the people, and

to open force, and give e relations of the rulers and

ples of justice and mutual benefit.

on the part of the rulers and clergy to

-peculation by force of arms will only increase

for it, till the people find themselves sufficiently werful to break their bonds, and then may come collisions and catastrophes more terrible than any that have yet been witnessed. Nothing can long save those rulers whose power has no better support than brute or rather savage force, or those clergy who are attempting to recover their influence by means of winking and weeping dolls and pictures, from the indignation and contempt of a befooled and insulted people.

ONE principal cause of these perpetually recurring convulsions in all states, lies in a practice which is still followed even among the most enlightened nations of the world, namely that of sustaining the authority of the law exclusively by the threatening of pains and penalties for the violation of it. We by no means insinuate that all appeals to force should be withdrawn. There are always to be found persons whom no other motive than the dread of punishment will restrain from the violation of the law, even as there are often in the

R

to be imbued with the spirit and principles of liberty, was chosen to succeed him. But he and the clergy soon began their old artifices, sustained by the old weapon, physical force. Mere opinion again prevailed, he was driven from the throne, and a republic established, with an elected president.

Still nothing has been done to direct aright the minds of the people, by furnishing them with genuine information. Still wilder and more ruinous speculations, political and social, have been gaining ground, and spreading over the whole of Europe. A premature outburst has been, to some extent, quelled; but the rulers, still unconvinced of the imbecility of physical force when brought into collision with the progress of opinion, stand with arms in their hands, as if to fell to the ground the spiritual unearthly power which they dread, wherever it may show itself; and many persons, who desire to preserve their property and their lives, are betaking themselves to the clergy and the ceremonies of the Church of Rome, as the only bulwarks of social order. This they mistake for a reaction in favour of monarchical and clerical despotism, while it is nothing more than the rallying of persons who possess property round the chief abettors of physical force, to protect them from the dreaded results of those speculations which they know to be fermenting among the people. To aid this imaginary reaction, or rather to obtain a despotism for himself, upheld by physical force, the president of the French republic is endeavouring to gain the army by giving them sweetmeats; and some of the soldiers, to express their approbation of this new but pleasant accompaniment to a review, are shouting "Vive Napoléon," and even" Vive l'Empereur."

Meanwhile the malcontents are driven back, fortunately for themselves, upon the very source of their strength, and the employment of that weapon by which

they have advanced from their prostrate condition to their present dreaded, and really formidable power, the communicating of their thoughts, and the diffusion of their principles. The effect of this weapon will doubtless be greatly aided by the revolting executions and massacres in the perpetration of which the soldiers have been employed, which will predispose multitudes of humane persons, and the soldiers themselves, to take part with the victim of these cruelties. The only remedy for this frightful disorder in the body politic of Europe, is the free circulation of truth of every kind, which will correct the wild extravagant speculations of the people, and prevent them from proceeding to open force, and give time for a settlement of the relations of the rulers and the subjects on principles of justice and mutual benefit. But the attempt on the part of the rulers and clergy to keep down speculation by force of arms will only increase the zest for it, till the people find themselves sufficiently powerful to break their bonds, and then may come collisions and catastrophes more terrible than any that have yet been witnessed. Nothing can long save those rulers whose power has no better support than brute or rather savage force, or those clergy who are attempting to recover their influence by means of winking and weeping dolls and pictures, from the indignation and contempt of a befooled and insulted people.

ONE principal cause of these perpetually recurring convulsions in all states, lies in a practice which is still followed even among the most enlightened nations of the world, namely that of sustaining the authority of the law exclusively by the threatening of pains and penalties for the violation of it. We by no means insinuate that all appeals to force should be withdrawn. There are always to be found persons whom no other motive than the dread of punishment will restrain from the violation of the law, even as there are often in the

R

best regulated families, children whose wilfulness and violent tempers must be kept under control by an appeal to the rod. But an appeal to force ought to be kept out of sight as much as possible, and ought to be the very last appeal, instead of being, as it usually is, the first.

The first thing necessary towards a stable support of any law is, that the people understand it, and understand the necessity of it, and the benefit which they derive from it. For providing this support of the law, legislators, we conceive, ought to see that the people receive such education as will enable them to understand those laws which are applicable to them, and to which they are expected to conform themselves. They do not, we conceive, fulfil their duty by leaving the education of the people to the private speculation of teachers, nor to education societies, nor to churches. Private teachers and societies for education may or may not give the people such instruction as would enable them to understand the laws which they are expected to obey. Churches are bound to see that those who adhere to them are educated for the purpose of making them acquainted with that higher law which it is their duty to explain and uphold. But legislators are bound to see that the people have the means of knowing and understanding their enactments, and the reasons for them; and ought not to found the authority of the law on mere force of arms. Nothing surely can be more revolting than the aspect in which legislators present their enactments. "We ordain so and so, and so; whosoever shall disobey our command, shall be subjected to such and such penalties, and all judges, magistrates, &c., are hereby ordered to see these penalties inflicted on the violators of this our decree." This law comes forth upon a people who perhaps are incapable of understanding the nature and purposes of it. No pains have been taken to have their minds in such a state of intellectual training as might enable them to understand the necessity of the