ahead of where I think things may be right now. You're pressing me to act as if there is a fait accompli and all barriers are down and shooting starts on all sides. I don't want to argue that that is what's going to take place. But I can tell you: A break of that agreement and a renewal of all-out fighting would be a very bad thing for Ortega because I think the whole world would see it as a direct breaking of his word. And then we would see what kind of action is taken. Q. Just the second part of that. Why did Ortega do this, do you think? Is it arrogance or is it The President. I can't figure it out. It's an offense to the President of Costa Rica. It is an offense to the democratically elected leaders here. It is the most outrageous use of a meeting on democracy that I can think of. I've asked our own folks: What in heaven's name would make a person do something so counterproductive? Stick him out like a sore thumb amongst a bunch of democratically elected leaders? Offend a host? And I'm sure it has. You can ask Oscar Arias. But if I were him, I would have been deeply offended by such brutal disregard for the feelings of the sensitivities of this meeting. So, I don't know what motivates this man. I did see him there yesterday. I know you all wanted to see the photos and the confrontation. That's boy scout stuff. There's no he wants to talk to me? Talk to the resistance. That's what he agreed to do. That's who he ought to talk to. Don't go sliding around for some photo opportunity that means nothing. Abortion Funding Q. I just wanted to get one domestic policy question in here. The President. Fire. Q. At a time when you're endorsing and you're celebrating self-determination abroad and you've endorsed State initiatives in so many areas like education at home, how do you justify refusing to allow District of Columbia residents to use their own local tax money to fund abortions for poor women? The President. I don't think public money ought to go for that, except in the life of the mother. My position is so well-known there. And they can push me for political advantage every time they want to, and they're going to be up against a brick wall. So, let's forget it and get on with helping the people in the District of Columbia. And that's what they ought to do and not try to play games to think one's going one up or one down on this very personal, very difficult question of abortion. My position is spelled out, was defined, openly debated in the elections a year ago—maybe to this very day. And I'm not changing my position. And they know that. And if they think there's political advantage in pushing me to the wall, fine. But the people that are being victimized by those kinds of political games are the people in the District of Columbia. Panama Q. Mr. President, there seems to be a consensus that the government that should be in power in Panama at this moment is Mr. Endara's, since he won a fair election. However, hemispheric Presidents passed up the opportunity to recognize that government last September. Could you explain why this happened? The President. It happened because there was an action: the Presidents agreed to work with the OAS and to strongly back the OAS mission. And in my view, the OAS mission failed in its mission, and that was to get Noriega out of power and then go forward. Now you're having some constructive suggestions by Felipe González, the Prime Minister of Spain, by others at the meeting here. And what will be the next step? I can't tell you. Put it this way: I am not totally frustrated about the return of democracy to Panama. I think the thing I sense from these leaders is such solidarity with free and fair elections-and that was what happened in Panama-that the handwriting is on the wall for Mr. Noriega. But whether at this juncture recognition of that government would be a constructive step or not, I'd want to talk to others. It would have to be done in concert with other nations to be meaningful, and we are encouraging people not to give any kind of formal recognition to the existing crowdnot having their Ambassadors there and all. Andean Drug Summit and War on Drugs Q. What about drugs, Mr. President? In your discussions here, did you move, in any sense, a step closer towards a drug summit? Did you get strong support on that? The President. I made very clear in my comments yesterday that we look forward to having this Andean drug summit. Whether any plans were finalized on it, I don't know. I'd have to ask our experts whether-but we have had some discussion of trying to pin down, particularly with the Colombians, what would be a good time frame for that. But I personally didn't go any further than just saying we enthusiastically support the concept and we will be pleased to attend. Q. Did any of the others ask to get involved and become The President. Not to me they didn't. This topic got a lot of interest and discussion, but it didn't get into the modalities of the summit that I know of. But maybe there was some behind-the-scenes work with the Q. [Question asked in Spanish.] The President. The second part of your question, no, I do not believe in legalization. I am firmly opposed to it, and I salute Colombia for its unwillingness to negotiate and bargain with these insidious narco traffickers. The first part was on the summit. Yes-I answered that in English a second ago-but, yes, I would be happy to attend such a summit, and I think it's worthwhile. And I made that point yesterday in my intervention. Israel-South Africa Nuclear Cooperation Q. I'd like to take you back to Gene's [Gene Gibbons, Reuters] question of a moment ago about reports of Israeli-South African collaboration on missiles. Senior administration officials say it's clear something is happening. The President. What's that? Q. On reports of Israeli-South African collaboration on missiles, transshipment of technology. Administration officials say it's clear something is happening. I want to know, sir, given this country's historical reluctance to impose sanctions on Israel, what kind of leverage we have to deal with the situation. What are you prepared to do? The President. You're asking me to accept a hypothesis that I'm not accepting. But I have said that, whoever it is, the transfer of forbidden technology is a taboo. We're not going to have that. And we will find ways to assert that with any country that abuses the system. Brazil-U.S. Relations Q. Mr. President, President Sarney of Brazil he is frustrated with the relations between the United States and Latin America: that Latin America is not a priority for the United States and that democracy without proper economic life is not enough. The President. He's got a good point on that. Q. Aside from Panama, do you have an announcement to make to Latin America— a positive announcement? The President. Yes. You know, I didn't detect that high level of frustration on President Sarney's point. He made a very strong and very emotional appeal on the debt question. And I can understand that. And we are trying to work with him. The one theme I detected through this meeting was strong support for the Brady plan and the fact that we have moved. And the fact-where it has taken place, in Mexico, flight capital is coming back into. the country. By doing some of the necessary reforms, why, they have-for example, deregulation of transportation-they have reduced the cost of transportation by about 30 percent, I'm told. So, things are moving. But I sensed an urgency by President Sarney. I can identify with it, and we do want to be helpful. I had a chance to talk with him last night. I think he's very pleased we came. I think he was very pleased we are not, in the United States or, indeed, Canada, neglecting our friends in this hemisphere. So, I left with a pretty upbeat feeling, not a diminished feeling of the importance of his problem but in terms of the hemispheric solidarity, you might say. But your having phrased the question that way, I want to be sure we're not missing a signal with him. He's going out of office next year. He has done a good job under extraordinarily diffi cult times. I went to his inauguration, and I don't think anybody ever came into office in any country under more difficult times. So, I would salute him and say if he's frustrated about the debt I can understand it. But I'm not going to let that-nor should he-in any way interfere with what I think are improving relations with Brazil. Look over our shoulders, and it wasn't long ago that Brazil did not have the democracy that President Sarney has tried to perfect, even in spite of enormously difficult economic times. Thank you all very, very much. The President. One more. This is the last; it really is. Reaction to President Ortega Q. You said earlier on that the Presidents last night leaned on Daniel Ortega. A twopart question is: Do you think Ortega in fact hurt himself by what he did? The President. Yes. Q. And do you think that it's incumbent now on President Arias to publicly say so, since there's one more ceremony left at this meeting? The President. I think that he hurt himself because I think these leaders here to celebrate democracy saw that this man is still a bit of an outcast in the whole family around that table. And I think that unconscionable election to hold that press conference yesterday and as I say, maybe he's backed off a little. I want to be fair, and he may have backed off about whether he stops the cease-fire or whether it doesn't continue. I'm told there's a little trying to interpret what he means by all that. But, yes, he hurt himself very, very badly, I think. And maybe people will understand more clearly some of the reservations we have when they see him violate the agreements that mean so much to President Arias and to the other leaders that participate in the agreements. I think the intervention by Cristiani, incidentally, yesterday, that nobody disputed, of Ortega's continuing to subvert the Salvadorean democracy really was profound. You could hear a pin drop when he said that, because everyone knows it's true, and everyone knows it's in direct violation of an agreement made. So, I think he hurt himself. And whether it will reflect itself in talks, I don't know. I do know that President Arias got a hold of him last night and spoke very directly to him. And I'm told that two other Presidents and you can guess about who they might be-spoke very, very frankly to him. Q. And if I may, the second part of my question. The President. You've had two parts. Is this the third part of a two-part question? [Laughter] Q. No, now I'm going for it. Q. The second part was: Given that you've got 16 leaders here, shouldn't Mr. Arias say something publicly— The President. I would hope he would, but that's his call. I've had a chance here, and I feel better for it. Q. Why do you keep calling him a little man? The President. Because he is. That's why. Note: The President's 26th news conference began at 9:14 a.m. in the Convention Hall at the Hotel Cariari. Remarks to Members of the American Embassy Community in San José, Costa Rica October 28, 1989 Thank you very, very much for this warm welcome. Mr. Secretary, thank you, my partner. We blindsided those guys. We totally destroyed them. It was-[laughterno, it was wonderful. It was a great day. And I'll tell you, I don't know how you all feel driving around this marvelous country, but for us, you get that really feeling of good will towards the United States. You couldn't help but feel it since we've been here. And I think that reflects on a lot of things, and I am sure it reflects on the good work of the Americans that are here, those in the Embassy and the students and others from across our culture that come here to live in Costa Rica who have respect for their democracy. And so, for me, it's been a wonderful visit, and I expect I speak for the Secretary of State in that regard. You've got a good Ambassador, one of the best in the entire professional corps, and I am very, very proud of Deane Hinton and of Mrs. Hinton for all they do. And he and I have interlocked in different incarnations around the world and seen him, and we have something in common because I know what a pain in the neck it is to have a visit of this nature-a visit from a President. But we promise to go on time. [Laughter] And I keep telling people at the Embassies, You see, I'm sympathetic to you. I feel sorry for the admin officer or the Ambassador's wife or the political counselor or the communications people or whatever because I have been on the receiving end of such a visit when I was the equivalent of Ambassador in China. We survived one visit from the President of the United States, which wasn't bad, and two from Henry Kissinger. [Laughter] So, you're talking to a guy that knows what you've been through here, and I wanted to thank you for all you've done to make the visit go smoothly. It's not easy when you have as many Presidents from democratic countries coming here at the same time, but the Costa Ricans have extended their warmth and hospitality. And I might say this: I think our Embassies have a little more vitality, a little more understanding, a little more representation, if you will, because we have Costa Rican citizens working in our Embassy. And I want to salute those from Costa Rica, the citizens who work side by side with all of you in the Embassy of the United States. Thank you for this welcome. What I really want to do, what we sometimes doyou know, maybe we're outnumbered here, but what I really-Dave? Where's Valdez? Can we get a picture with the kids? We need to bring all the kids up here, all the kids. Note: The President spoke at 12:29 p.m. on the lawn of the U.S. Ambassador's residence. In his remarks, he referred to Secretary of State James A. Baker III and David Valdez, Director of the White House Photographic Office. His opening comments referred to a tennis match in which he and Secretary Baker played. Letter to Elementary School Students on Halloween October 24, 1989 Dear Students: I know you are looking forward to a day coming soon that is one of the most funHalloween. I'm inviting you to be among my special guests at the White House to celebrate this day. I promise you we'll have fun, but I want this Halloween to be about more than ghosts and goblins and scary things. While you're here, I am going to ask your help in ending something that unfortunately isn't make-believe-it's frightening and real. It is the problem of drug abuse. I hope you were able to watch when I spoke to the schoolchildren of America last month about the problem of drugs. During my television address, I told a story of a young boy and an old man who were walking along a beach. As they walked, the boy picked up each starfish he passed and threw them back into the sea. Confused, the old man asked him why. "If I left them here," the boy said, "they would dry up and die. I am saving their lives." "But the beach goes on for miles and there are millions of starfish," the old man said. "How can what you're doing make any difference?” The boy looked at the starfish in his hand, threw it into the ocean, and answered, "It makes a difference to this one." You can make a difference, too—with your classmates, your friends, and your family-by saying no to drugs. I have given your teachers an anti-drug pledge card for you to read and sign. Please fill it out and bring it with you to the White House on Halloween. I look forward to seeing you. Sincerely, George Bush Note: Identical letters were sent to the following elementary schools: Kemp Mill, Rolling Terrace, and Greenbelt in Maryland; Ashlawn, Patrick Henry, James K. Polk, Forestville, Potomac, and Vienna in Virginia; and Bancroft, Brookland, Harri son, and John W. Ross in the District of Columbia. The letter was released by the Office of the Press Secretary on October 30. Message to the Congress Transmitting To the Congress of the United States: It is my privilege to provide you with the annual reports on activities under the Highway Safety Act (23 U.S.C. 401 note) and the National Traffic and Motor Vehicle Safety Act (15 U.S.C. 1408), both enacted in 1966. These reports provide an overview of our activities during calendar year 1988. The report on motor vehicle safety includes the annual reporting requirement in Title I of the Motor Vehicle Information and Cost Savings Act of 1972 (bumper standards). In the Highway Safety Acts of 1973, 1976, and 1978, the Congress expressed its special interest in certain aspects of traffic safety that are addressed in the volume on highway safety. Last year was a year of significant gains in traffic safety. The National Highway Traffic Safety Administration opened 167 safety investigations of motor vehicles and equipment, which is the most since 1973. In addition, the traffic fatality rate, the accepted measure of risk on the road, was 2.4 deaths per 100 million vehicle miles traveled, the lowest in history and down 27 percent since 1980. Safety belt use is also higher than ever, with 47 percent of Americans buckling up, and drunk driving fatalities have declined significantly. There is good news for Americans in virtually every critical part of the highway safety picture. The decline in the fatality rate is especially encouraging and means we are able to drive more without being at increased risk, and the dramatic increase in safety belt use and public concern about drunk driving have translated into thousands of lives saved and injuries avoided. The progress we have made is, of course, no consolation to the relatives and friends Remarks at the Ceremony To Secretary Yeutter and Secretary Mosbacher, Secretary Dole, Secretary Derwinski and Chairman Boskin, Ambassador Kinast, Ambassador Ed Rowny, it's a pleasure to be here. It's a great pleasure to see Johnson and Ed Moskal here. The congresLane Kirkland and Bob Georgine, Gale sional delegation, I think, has been a little waylaid, but I was told that Mickey Edwards is going to be here and John Dingell, Robert Borski. But let me just welcome you all to the Rose Garden on this beautiful fall day into an occasion marking the conclusion of Polish American Heritage Month, which links two people bound by admiration and affection. In one sense, we meet this afternoon to salute the values which unite the United States and Poland, values like faith in God, respect for the family and hard work, and the belief that free expression will conquer tyranny. But in a larger way, we're here to honor the tide toward democracy that these values make possible. For in Poland, as elsewhere, the tide toward oppression is running out; the tide toward liberty is running in. The voice of freedom is the voice of Poland, and the voice of Poland is the voice of tomorrow. When I was in Poland-visited Poland last July-I heard brave men and women proclaim the dignity of the individual and demand the opportunity and self-govern |