only for their own immediate interest, but for the sake of the public character of the great body of provident working men. There is no taunt so difficult to meet by the friends of these institutions, as that which reflects on the capacity or willingness of their officers to furnish this most important information. To say that the secretaries object to the additional labour, is not a legitimate answer to the demand; to say they are incapable is still less satisfactory. One of the first conditions of practical self-government, is the capacity to carry out efficiently its work in all its necessary details; and surely the keeping of proper books, and the presentation of correct and intelligible balance sheets, together with such other results of past experience as may be valuable for future guidance, ought not to be tasks beyond the intellectual power of some of the members of any friendly society. If any such exist, it is high time that they apply at the public market, and engage a competent bookkeeper at the current rate of such labour. This course would not only redound more to their credit, but to their private advantage. The losses sustained by Friendly Societies from inefficient book-keeping and careless and imperfect auditing of the accounts, have been so enormous that a relatively small fraction of the amount would have sufficed to pay handsomely for efficient services of the kind referred to. Every individual member of any branch of any Friendly Society cannot, therefore, do better service to the cause of progress, or better advance the best interests of his club, than by bringing all his influence to bear in this direction. The plea of incapacity will not serve in the present age of Mechanics' Institutes and parliamentary grants for educational purposes, whatever it may have done a quarter of a century ago. Besides, it is an unworthy and a humiliating one, and ought especially to be repudiated by every section of the class especially banded together to promote habits of prudence, forethought, and self-reliance. The right to demand these returns by the Registrar is surely not too high a price for the many valuable concessions of the Legislature to enrolled Friendly Societies, and especially as the only object proposed by the Government in their collection is the publication of such knowledge as will enable the members themselves to so regulate their financial arrangements as to prevent, to the greatest possible extent, the still frequent bankruptcy of individual branches and isolated clubs. Mr. Pratt naturally regrets the withdrawal of the Bill of last session, introduced by Mr. Sotheron Estcourt, at his suggestion, to compel "all Friendly and Assurance Societies to render to every member thereof, or person depositing money therein, a copy of their annual accounts." But if he himself finds a difficulty in obtaining the annual returns from many clubs under the present statute, he need not be surprised that the members generally objected to Governmental interference with their internal management, and brought their influence to bear upon their parliamentary representatives, and upon Mr. Sotheron Estcourt, in the manner they did. There can be no doubt Mr. Pratt's object, in the main, is right; but his recent scheme was in many respects simply impracticable, in others it would have unquestionably entailed much useless expenditure. The members of many, to my own knowledge, do voluntarily that which Mr. Pratt sought to enforce by law, yet even they objected to coercive measures, and contended that the members of each society on enrolment had reserved to them their previous right to the management of their internal affairs. If Mr. Pratt would but respect this feeling a little more, and endeavour to ascertain the wishes or prejudices, if he will, of those for whom he would legislate, before he procures the introduction of small bills, seeking to modify the provisions of the now well-known consolidated statute, much of his effort would unquestionably meet with a more cordial recognition than it has recently done. A better understanding on this subject is certainly a consummation devoutly to be wished."

It appears, however, that the chief object of the recent Bill was to compel certain "office clubs," with numerous branches, to present more satisfactory balance-sheets, not only to the Registrar, but to their members themselves. Clubs of this class might, perhaps, with advantage, be subjected to a little special legislation, inasmuch as the members, as a body, take little or no part in their management. He refers to two societies of this class, the " Friend in Need," and the "Royal Liver." Their reports, as quoted by him, are certainly of a very unsatisfactory character. Will it be believed by the Members of the Manchester Unity that the former society is divided into 250 districts, employs 1,500 collectors; and includes 250,000 members; that it ensures for burial fees, relief in sickness, medical aid, and endowments, and that yet it only possessed a reserved fund, on the 31st December, 1860, of rather over fifteen thousand pounds? The "Royal Liver" is even in a worse position; it numbers about 250,000 members, and possesses a capital but slightly exceeding twelve | thousand pounds, "including £3,400 lent to members, and in the hands of the officers." Of course, I am aware that the statement recently put forth in a pamphlet entitled, "What is the Manchester Unity?" as to the amount of reserved capital possessed by that body, is an exaggerated one, inasmuch as the average of the Metropolitan districts is improperly assumed as indicative of the average for the Unity. We may not possess, to meet the claims of 330,000 members, Two Millions of money as there stated; but to whatever extent this sum ought to be discounted, it is nevertheless very satisfactory, indeed, to contemplate our aggregate financial position in contrast with that of these once celebrated office clubs.

PUBLIC-HOUSE MEETINGS.

He

The Registrar has somewhat modified his tone upon this subject. evidently begins to perceive that it will require considerable time to completely annihilate such ancient and popular institutions as public-houses, and that after all it is not so very bad or immoral a thing to induce even their devotees to join a provident friendly society. In his Instructions," he says the place of meeting should, if possible, be at some public Institution or schoolroom. If that cannot be obtained, and there is no place except an inn or public-house, a certain fixed payment should be made for the use of the room, lights, and fire, with a stipulation that no beer, etc., should be brought into the room until all business is concluded, when each member should pay for any refreshment he may require. When an Anniversary or Anuual Feast is held, the contribution thereto, and the attendance thereat, should be voluntary, though there seems no objection to a rule, that every member who lives within a given distance, should have a ticket sent him, which if not returned within a certain time, say a week before the day of the feast, he should be required to pay for."

Many lodges of the Manchester Unity have already adopted something in the spirit of this recommendation, consequently there can be no objection to its being submitted to the consideration of others, with this especial understanding, however, that the members themselves, in each individual case, legislate on the subject, and not the Registrar, who I have previously shown, possesses no such authority under the statute.

Mr. Pratt seems to think that the fact of a society or branch meeting at a public-house, is in itself an element of financial insecurity. He brings forward some plausible evidence in support of this view. He says he had lately occasion to enquire into some facts with reference to Friendly Societies in the county of Hereford, and he ascertained that in that county, 136 societies had had their rules certified since 1793, of the number 123 were held at publichouses, and 13 at schools and private rooms; but of the 123, no less than 42 had been dissolved, but of the 13, only one."

On the contrary, I know many clubs, established at schools or private rooms, that do not prosper simply because, in the present state of social manners and habits, other societies meeting at public-houses offer more attraction, or are brought more directly under the attention of parties likely to join. The Manchester Unity Members have spent thousands of pounds in buildings, with the view of aiding in the transference of its lodges to private rooms, and I am sorry to say not always with permanent advantage. But all Mr. Pratt's facts do not point in the same direction as those he quotes in support of his view. In the county of Lancaster, since his last report, he shows that nine societies have been dissolved, only five of which were held at public-houses! Two of them were indeed connected with Temperance Societies. In Yorkshire four have been dissolved in the same period, only one of which was held at a publichouse! There may unquestionably be advantages in the meeting in private rooms; but if it is desirable to induce as large a proportion as possible of the operative population to support these institutions, we must yet continue for years to come, to go where we can find them, and not expect any very large section yet to come to us. If we do other societies will simply work up the ground which we blindly neglect, in a more primitive aad imperfect manner, and consequently with less satisfactory results.

BURIAL CLUBS AND ALLEGED INFANTICIDE.

The great heart of the country has been again shocked by a renewal of the cry that a large proportion of the infant mortality amongst the labouring classes resulted from deliberate murder on the part of the parents for the sake of the few pounds to which, by the rules of these societies, they become entitled on the demise of their offspring. The manufacturing districts and the borough of Preston especially were pointedly referred to as localities where this murderous propensity was strikingly exhibited. Burgesses of "Proud Preston," jealous of their ancient renown, were naturally anxious for some explanation, refutation, or, if such was the dire fact, satisfactory confirmation of the astounding statement. Having written and spoken much on this subject when the foul aspersion was first thoughtlessly thrown upon the character of my townsmen especially, I, through the local press, soon exposed its utter falsehood. I saw the paternity of the blundering libel the moment I read the communication from Chester, republished by Mr. Pratt in his report without comment. My surprise was great, indeed, to find that he had not perceived that the whole was but a resuscitation of the so-called facts and statistical figures, which had been fully disposed of above seven years ago by a committee of the House of Commons, in the proceedings of which committee Mr. Pratt took much interest, as I know from personal contact with him at the time. As will be remembered, the whole case miserably broke down. The vaunted Preston statistics were shown to be utterly worthless, and led to no such inferences as the panic-mongers imagined. Their case could not be substantiated by even a single instance where murder had been proved to have been committed for burial fees in the town of Preston; and I am glad, indeed, to say that although much effort has been expended to discover one since the time referred to, it has been expended in vain. The cases sent for trial at Liverpool, accompanied by a special presentment by the grand jury, equally failed to lend a substantial form to this loudly-denounced horror. Baron Martin, who tried the case, intimated that the grand jury ought to have "cut" the bills, as there was not a shadow of evidence to substantiate a charge of murder at all, either for burial club fees or for any other consideration whatever. The report of the committee of the house was printed, and the Act of Parliament passed which is now in force. This Act limits the total amount assured on the death of a child under five years of age to six pounds.

Even this sum exceeds the maximum amount petitioned for by members of Preston clubs, in public meeting assembled, so thoroughly was the Legislature satisfied of the purely imaginary character of the murders referred to. Previously, some abuses undoubtedly existed. In Manchester, I think, one child was entered upon the books of about fourteen societies. This duplicate insurance of dependent children is now prohibited by law, and it is the interest, as well as the duty, of every officer and member to see that the penalties are enforced in all such cases. It is, however, not necessary here to enter more fully into the question. The subject was thoroughly discussed at the time by myself in two articles which appeared in "Eliza Cook's Journal," of the 4th and 25th of March, 1854. It is sufficient that the public are informed of the fact that the present small panic is but a partial disinterment of the mouldering remains of the greater defunct one, which I and others imagined we had for ever consigned to limbo in 1854.

I cannot, however, refrain availing myself of the present opportunity, to again call attention to the very primitive and consequently imperfect character, of the financial arrangements adopted by many of these burial societies. For a monthly contribution of four-pence, paid equally by all subscribers from infancy to forty-five years of age, the usual insurance at death is about five pounds ten shillings. A regular insurance company, with tables correctly graduated according to age on entrance, will ensure ten pounds at death for a monthly contribution of three-pence, to all parties joining at age fifteen. A similar sum is insured for four-pence per month to all parties joining at age twenty. But when the applicant for admission is forty five years of age, seven-pence per month is demanded for the assurance of ten pounds. Thus the members entering at fifteen, and for several years afterwards, are paying infinitely more than they ought, in equity for the amount assured. And yet, these clubs are generally possessed of reserved funds far too limited in amount to guarantee their future liability. I know of one with 30,000 members, that is not worth the same number of shillings, and it is considered by its members generally as one of the best of its class. This rotten state of things results mainly from the fact that the insurance of the infant lives is effected at the rates previously quoted, namely four-pence per month for the sum of five pounds ten shillings; and this, notwithstanding the well established fact, that the risk is enormously enhanced. The Registrar-General's reports testify, that, on the average of the whole population, amongst children under five years of age, between six and seven per cent annually die off. Between five and ten, the rate is rather less than one per cent., and between ten and fifteen, it is little over one in the two hundred. Afterwards the rate gradually increases, but it is not until after age seventy, that it reaches the percentage exhibited amongst infants under five years of age. Thus the surplus money improperly charged subscribers entering at fifteen, and for several years! afterwards, is not even sufficient to counteract the financial errors induced by the inadequate contributions of the infantile section. Many of these clubs must, therefore, of necessity eventually collapse, even if they were otherwise perfect in financial matters, which, unfortunately, they are not, by any means. It is to be hoped that the increased intelligence of the leading members on this subject, will speedily be brought to bear on the mass, so that those societies which are utterly beyond redemption, may be at once dissolved; and, for the intellectual and moral credit of all concerned, that others may be founded, with such financial arrangements as shall, with perfect equity, guarantee to every number the full amount of benefit promised.

There are several other interesting matters touched upon in Mr. Pratt's Report, the consideration of which I must postpone to a future occasion.