Pagina-afbeeldingen
PDF
ePub

From 1530 we pass on to 1531, and from physical science we turn to theology :

"Johannis Damasceni, de Fide Orthodoxa, et de iis qui in fide dormierunt, græce. Veronæ apud Stephanum, etc. mense Majo. MDXXXI." 4to.

Like the Chrysostom, this is the editio princeps of the Greek text, and is edited by the same editor, Bernardino Donato, and dedicated to the same Pontiff, Clement VII.

A few months pass away, and philosophy has its turn at the Giberti Press :

"Turrii Julii Marci, De felicitate ad Paulinam Sororem. Veronæ MDXXXI die xv mense Novembri per Stephanum et fratres," &c. 4to.

This is printed in what Giuliari calls a cursive character, like Fracastori's poem.

With the year 1532 patristic theology comes to the front once more :

"Expositiones antiquæ ac valde utiles......Ex diversis Sanctor. Patrum Commentariis ab Ecumenico et Aretha collectæ, &c. Veronæ MDXXXII apud Stephanum etc., mense februario." Fol.

A magnificent edition, says Giuliari, like the Chrysostom for the beauty of its type and paper, and likewise edited by Donato, and dedicated to Clement VII. The text is Greek throughout, and unaccompanied by a single note or translation. On this circumstance Mgr. Giuliari has a characteristic passage, which I may perhaps be allowed to cite from my former paper (Transactions R. S. L., vol. xi. pt. i. New Series) :

"In those days only the few studied Greek, but at any rate they were to be found in every town, and their knowledge of the language was thorough. Nowadays it is taught in all the public Gymnasia, but hardly one can be found who understands it without a lexicon !"

I must be content myself, like most of the undistinguished herd of the nineteenth century, to confess my great obligations to Liddell and Scott. Another Grecist of the day, Nogarola, follows suit, of whom I shall have to speak more specially in connexion with a subsequent work of his :"Nogarola Ludovici, Joannis Damasceni, libellus de his qui in fide dormierunt. e græco in latinum. Veronæ MDXXXII apud Stephanum etc., mense Mar."

4to.

Leone Allacci censured Nogarola for having attributed this work to St. John Damascene, but Maffei, with a touch of irony not inapplicable to other such cases, remarks that if Allacci had lived in Nogarola's day he would probably have done just the same.

I should like to take this opportunity of calling attention again to the fact that a mass of MS. matter of Nogarola's composition, which formed part of the Saibante collection, is known to have reached this country, but all the researches of the late Sir Antony Panizzi were unavailing to trace the collection beyond the bookseller who was the first purchaser. Who knows, asks Mgr. Giuliari, in what English lord's house these MSS. are now

reposing? If any "Lord Inglese " feels that the cap fits, he will do good service by letting us know it through "N. & Q."

The next Veronese publication, and probably, but not certainly, also due to the Giberti Press, is an important original work by Nogarola, to which I specially drew the attention of my colleagues in the Royal Society of Literature as being directly connected with the contemporary history of England:

4to.

"Nogarola Ludovici, Disputatio super Reginæ Britannorum divortio, s.u.n. (Veronæ 1532 apud Steph. etc.)." A very rare tract, says Giuliari, of twenty-four pages, and one which, though without any note, must be held to have issued from the press of the brothers Nicolini about the year 1532. The grounds for this attribution are, as before, the absence of our knowledge that any other press was then in existence at Verona.

Nogarola's correspondence, which was in the now dispersed Saibante collection, already alluded to, would, if we may judge from a sample cited by Mgr. Giuliari, throw not a little light upon the methods used to obtain opinions in favour of Henry VIII. on the great divorce question. think the passage may be worth reproduction.

I

"It is now a year," wrote Nogarola to Cardinal Clesio, "since an envoy of the King of Britain came here to us, and sought to work upon all the jurisconsults of this town, by promises both of heaps of money and the king's favour, to approve and establish by arguments and reasoning the divorce that he wished to obtain from Catherine, daughter of the late King of Spain." Nogarola's opinion was, however, unfavourable to Henry's wishes, so it may be presumed that he "" nor "the king's got neither "heaps of money favour."

But one more Veronese work attributed to the

Giberti Press remains to be mentioned :— Ludovici Canossii Episcopi Bajocensis." 4to. s.u.n. Mgr. Giuliari urges that this extremely rare tract of eight unnumbered pages should be referred to the Giberti Press and to the year 1532, the period of the death of the Bishop of Bayeux, who was an intimate friend of Bishop Giberti. The only known copy of this work, when obtained, after long and fruitless search, by Marquis Ottavio di Canossa, shortly before the publication of Mgr. Giuliari's book, was immediately presented by the fortunate purchaser to the Civic Library in Verona-a good example to his fellow citizens, truly observes Giuliari, who has himself, I may add, set a similar example. The present Bishop of Verona, it is not uninteresting to note, is a member of the same distinguished house of Canossa, from which Michael Angelo claimed descent.

"Donati Bernardini, Oratio habita in funere R. D.

Of Bishop Giberti, as an enlightened patron of letters, enough has been said, I hope, to establish his claim to the respectful memory of biblio

graphers. Of his character as a prelate, it may be
enough if I cite some of my own former words.
"Giovanni Matteo Giberti," I wrote (Trans. R. S. L.,
loc. cit.), "entered upon his episcopate in 1528, full of
generous feelings, and an eager desire that the Church
should benefit by the advance of science and the progress
of civilization. By the Church, says Mgr. Giuliari, him-
self a canon of Giberti's cathedral, the bishop under-
stood the people as well as their pastors, and he opened
the hospitalities of the palace not only to theologians
but to cultivators of every branch of science, arts, and
letters. In those halls learned ecclesiastics like Lodovico
di Canossa, Del Bene, Donato, &c., met such laymen as
Fracastoro, Flaminio, Della Torre, Bernia......Giberti was
a prelate of the gentle school of Contarini and Sadolet,
and some of his works on questions connected with the
reforms which he considered necessary had a very large
circulation in Italy."

Lord Hussey was one of those "Lordes," who,
Stow tells us, was 66
"9
caused to join the rebel
muster, we cannot say, but in the second of the
three documents* under notice-the account which
he himself gave of his action in the rebellion-he
certainly gives his denial to the charge of treason,
with all appearance of truthfulness. This docu-
ment is addressed to Cromwell, and must have
been written after Lord Hussey's conviction. We
will, therefore, first consider the charges of which
he was found guilty.

Lord Hussey was indicted at Sleaford on May 12, 1536. In the indictment his name heads the list of some half-dozen persons, mostly "gentlemen," who were charged with "traitorously conspiring to deprive the king of his dignity, I do not think that I can bring my present note rights, and title, viz., of being supreme Head of to a better close than by repeating the words the Church of England," and who, on October 2 in written to me by a distinguished_author-his- the same year, at Louth, "by the aid and abettorian, poet, and art critic-the late Earl of Craw-ment of the Lord Huse," levied war against the ford and Balcarres, with which I closed my paper king, "made proclamations, and caused bells to before the Royal Society of Literature:-"Verona be rung, by means of which they raised the people was a wonderful place, both in art and typography, and the stamp of its greatness is on it still.” C. H. E. CARMICHAEL.

New University Club, S.W.

LORD HUSSEY AND THE LINCOLNSHIRE
REBELLION.

(Concluded from 6th S. iv. 531.)

66

to the amount of 4,000 persons," and so continued for two days. After which, with "arms and implements of war," having taken oaths, chosen leaders, and increased their number to 6,000, they proceeded, "with banners displayed, to Caister," and there compelled "Sir Robert Tyrwhit Knight, and other Justices of the King, then sitting in full sessions, to fly for fear of death, and We learn from Stow that the rebellion in Lin- indictment further states that, at "the instigation took some of the said justices prisoners." The colnshire first manifested itself, early in October, of the Lord Huse," the rebels, then numbering 1536, at an assize, held in various parts of the 12,000 persons, finally marched upon Lincoln, county, for collecting the king's subsidy. The and that throughout the insurrection Lord Hussey rebels numbered together nearly 20,000 men ;+"compassed and imagined the death of the king," these, the chronicler tells us, tooke certaine Lordes and gentlemen of the country causing them to be sworne to them upon certaine Articles, which they had devised"; such as refused to swear the rebels kept prisoners. Learning of the rebellion, Henry quickly despatched a considerable force, under the command of the Duke of Suffolk, upon the appearance of which the rebels seem wisely to have laid down their arms and craved pardon; their captains were, however, apprehended and executed. Now, from Stow's account, it would certainly seem that the captains, or chief men of the county, who were comparatively innocent of the whole affair, as they were forced to join the rebels by means of actual violence, were punished, whilst the rebels themselves-with a few exceptions-escaped scot free. Whether or not

[blocks in formation]

and "aided and abetted" in raising the rebellion. Lord Hussey pleaded" Not guilty," but the verdict of "Guilty" being unanimously returned, judgment was found as in cases of high treason-"Execution to be had at Tyborne."+ So much, then, for the indictment. Now let us see what Lord Hussey, then awaiting his execution, writes to Cromwell. It seems that the secretary had desired that he should furnish him with all particulars of the rebellion in Lincolnshire, and of that which broke out, almost at the same time, in Yorkshire. In reward for such information the secretary had promised a pardon of "lyffe, lands, and goodes," but we shall see by what follows that Lord Hussey could give no particulars of the "rising," and probably for the very good reason that he was totally unconnected with it, or else that, after all arrangements for it were completed, he was forced into taking a part in the proceedings. After promising to state "the truth, and the whole truth," he writes:

[blocks in formation]

"I never knewe of the begyning (of the rebellion) in nether of the places, otherwise than is conteyned in the bill that I dide deliver to S Thomas Wentworthe at Windsoure, nor was I never previe to these acts, nor never biddyd them (the rebels) in will, worde, or dede, but if I myght have hade fyve hundreth men I wolde have fought wt them, or ells I forsake my parte of heven; for I was never traitor, nor of no counsaile of treason against his grace, and that will I take my dethe uppon when it shall please God and his Highness.

"Now at mydsomer shalbe thre yeres, my lorde Darcy, I, and S Robt Counstable, as we satt at the borde, yt happenid that we spake of S Fraunces Bygott, and his Priste in his sermonte lykenede Or Ladie to a poding, when the meate was ought* with many wordes more; and then my Lorde Darcey said that he was a noughty Priste, let him go; for in good faith I wilbe noe herityke. And so said I, and lykwise Sr Robert Counstable, for we will die Cristen men. And as for any worde of the Kinges matters, I harde none.

"Syns that tyme I never harde worde of that matter, nor of no nother, nor never sawe them, butt ons, and then they spake no worde of that to me, nor I to them. My Lorde, come lyffe or dethe, here is all I ever sayd. "All theis considerede, I humblie beseche yor good Lordeshippe, in the honor of God, to be good Lorde to me, my wiffe, and my children. "JOHN HUSE."

For some reason, however-possibly because the king found it more convenient to disbelieve Lord Hussey's plea of innocency-it did not receive credence, and in the last of the three documents selected for notice we find Lord Hussey, almost on the eve of execution, praying the king that those of his (Lord Hussey's) creditors who had not already received payment of their debts might not suffer by his forfeiture. The following petition, read in conjunction with the will-by which, as we have seen, the testator was so careful to provide for the comfort and welfare of his family after his decease-gives us some insight into the personal character of Lord Hussey, and shows him to have been, as well as an affectionate husband and father, an upright man of business, who, in the midst of troubles, even on the point of dying a cruel death, did not forget those to whom he was indebted. The petition, which is addressed "to the Kinges Highnes," runs thus :

"First that it may please his Grace of his Charitie, and for the love of God, to discharge such my sureties as stand bounden for me to his Highnes for the payement of certain sumys of money yet not paid, nor the dayes come, howbeit some are past; or elles that thei may recover suche land as I have appointed for the discharge of the same. And I shall pray for his grace, for I never offendid his grace in wyll, dede, or thought in any treason, by the dethe that I shall dye, and as I wold be savyd.

"Item. I have paid to his grace the sumys of thre thousand pounds, as it shall appere by my boke signed

The practice of likening the Blessed Virgin to "a saffron bag," was frequent about this period; and is similar to the idea of likening her "to a poding when the meate was ought"; as a bag in which saffron has once been contained becomes so impregnated with it that, even when emptied of its contents, it still retains some of the properties of saffron,

with the hands of his grace's treasourers of his chamber, the specialties whereof remaynes in the hands of his said grace's treasourers, for the which some his grace gave me my pardon, redye to be shewid so it towchid no thing of his words. Notwithstanding my pardon my Lord Cardynall compellid me to paye it at that tyme. I movid his grace, and his highness promysid me that it shuld have hadd remedye. Now in the honor of Criste's Passion have petye of my synfull sowle and forgeve all my defaults and necligence, but treasons, and for that I wyll aske no pardon for as I be savid Í never offendid his grace in treason.

"Item. That his grace wyll be so gracious unto me that my detts may be paid that hereafter ensewith. "First to one Cowper of Westmynster, xx". "Item. To the executors of one Thomas Robertson of Boston, xx".

"Item. I was executor to one Lowe of Waltham which he and I chargid to spend x1" on a waye called Honye Lane, I spent as yet but x". And I spake with the warden of the Graye Freers at Ware to have gotten me some honest man to have lookyd upon it for this xxx", and that to spend upon the same. (Beseching your Grace in the waye of Charitie it may be paid.)

"Item. I did sell to one Jamys Meryng certain woods at Kynsall, and recevyd of hym fiftie pounds, which wood as yet stands: in my most humble maner I beseche his highness ether that he may have his wood or his money. same xl marks. "Item. I do owe to Wylliam Walhedd bailif of the

"Item. I do owe to my Lord of Lyncoln xx" or xxx". "Item. To one Wyll'm Cawdron of Hekington xxv1. "Item. To Sir John Allen Knight xx".

and I to paye hyr dawghter viii, yerely x1", and that "Item. My Aunte Marmyon and I was thorough [sic], she shall delyver all suche plate as she hadd of myne, which was worthe a good C markes and farther hadd hyr borde with me ix or x yerys.

"Item. The prior of Spalding x1" that I borrowid of Prior Boston.

"Ilem. To one Mr. Sentpole xx" that I borrowid of hym.

"Item. To John Soutte, Tailor to the Qwene, viii". "Item. To Mr. Richard Grossand of London xxii". which apperith dewe by me to paye which the said "Item. To my servaunte Nicolas Fetherston for ii bylls Nicolas did laye owte for me.

"Item. To one Tonge Tailor Fletestrete vi".

"Item. To my servaunte Peter Seynthill clerc of my Kechin, as apperith by a byll signed and sealid with my hand wch he laide owt of and for the charge of my house viii".

"Item. To John Clement of Folkingham v". "Item. To Maistres Darnold in Woodstrete iiijxx . "Item. To one Thomas Tipkyn of Saint Katheryns iiij". "Item. To one Poynter of Lymehouse v.

"Item. To one Thomas Webster of Willowghby vi xiii* iva.

"Item. To the Susters of one Grymsby (whose tytle as I remember one Wentworth hath by maryage) for the purchase of Bytham, to my remembraunce xxv.*

"Item. I beseche his grace to be good unto a dawghter of myne wch is called Dorothe Huse, which was handefasted and bytraw thid to one Thomas Wymbusshe by their owne accorde and agrementes before sufficient Record. Which Thomas Wymbusshe was warde unto his grace and I bought hym of his highenes,† Beseching

*An addition, apparently, in Lord Hussey's own hand. † See Pat. Roll, 24 Hen. VIII., p. 1, grant to Lord Hussey of the wardship and marriage of Thomas, son and heir of Christopher Wymbushe, deceased.

his grace that the marrage may take effecte for the dis- Sir Hugh de Gerunde, son and heir of Nicholas, charging of theire consciences,

"Your humbell servaunte,
"JOHN HUSE."

Stow does not give us the exact day on which
Lord Hussey suffered death, but it was some time
in the June following the outbreak of the Lincoln-
shire rebellion, i. e., June, 1537. It will have
been noticed that in the extract from the Baga de
Secretis, the place of execution was fixed to be at
Tyburn; Stow, however, tells us that it took
place at Lincoln. Probably the chronicler is cor-
rect; for some reason it may have been incon-
venient to remove Lord Hussey-who was, as we
have seen, tried at Sleaford-to London.
WILLIAM JOHN HARDY.

THE GERUNDE FAMILY.-The earliest recorded ancestor of this family is Turstin de Girunde, who at the time of the Domesday Survey held of Bishop Odo one yoke in Buckland, Kent, together with the manors of Foxcote and Dodington, Bucks (Domesday 106 and 1446). From him descended, we may presume, Hamo de Girunde, who was possessed of these lands temp. Ric. I. This Hamo brings suit against Giles de Merlay, November 6, 6 Ric. I., 1194 (Rot. Cur. Reg. i. 34); and in 9 Ric I. he sues Walter de la Haie, through Philip de Girunde, his son, to make him pay for one knight's fee he holds of him in Foxcote, Bucks. The said Walter pays him five marks of silver and one black horse, "Bausein" (Ped. Fin. i. 160). In the following year it would appear that Hamo was dead and his son Philip in possession of his lands (Ped. Fin. i. 174). Philip de Girunde in 1201 pays fifteen marks de oblat. and holds three knights' fees of the honour of Peverell, London (Rot. Oblat. et Fin. 161). In 1199 he pays two and a half marks of silver to Richard Fitzwalter for one hide of land in Dodington, Bucks, and in 1202 he pays forty shillings scutage for land in Bucks. In 1210 there are entries to his name of several sums of money de prestito. Sept. 16, 1216, the Sheriff of Bucks is ordered to give to William de Gatesden "terram quæ fuit Philippi de Girunde cum pertin. in Dudinton qui est cum inimicis domini Regis" (Rot. Lit. Claus. 2886). He died before 1222, in which year "Rosamunda quæ fuit uxor Phil. de Girunde" pays twenty marks fine to marry whom she pleases (Excerpt. ex Rot. Fin. i. 81). Next comes Nicholas de Girunde, probably the son and certainly the heir of Philip, who in 5 Hen. III. had permission to hold a market on his manor of Ashurst, Kent (Rot. Lit. Claus. 444b). He died in 1268, and the writ of Inq. p.m., tested at Westminster March 28 of that year, certifies that he held one knight's fee of the king in Wrenstede and Ashurst, Kent, and a lordship of two knights' fees in Foxcote and Dodington Bucks, and that his heir was his eldest son Hugh, aged thirty years.

pays homage for the lands his father had held in 1268 (Excerpt. ex Rot. Fin. ii. 470). In 21 Ed. I. he was excused from attending the assizes" propter ætatem et infirmitatem." He died 26 Ed. I. in possession of the above-mentioned lands, his heir being his son Hugh, aged twenty-four years and over. Previously to his decease he had settled his manor of Wrenstede on Hugh, his son and heir, and Margaret his wife, for the term of their natural lives. His widow Margaret married Stephen de Tedemers (Rot. Parl. i. 276). Hugh de Gerunde, son and heir of Sir Hugh, pays homage for the lands his father had held 27 Ed. I. He was summoned to appear with horse and arms at the muster at Berwick-on-Tweed June 24, 1301. His Inq. p.m. was held 1 Ed. II., but, having access only to the Calendar, I am unable to state who was his heir. I presume, however, that this was John de Gerund, who in 1316 was certified lord of Foxcote and Dodington, Bucks, and Ashurst, Kent. This John died 15 Ed. II., and, as appears from a probat. ætat. in 7 Ed. III. (Cal. Inq. p.m. iv. 439), left a daughter and heiress, Matilda, wife of Sir Henry de Chalfonte, of Chalfonte, Bucks, which Sir Henry was high sheriff of Bucks in 1341, and knight of the shire from 1348 to 1350. He died in 43, Their son and his wife Matilda in 45, Ed. III. and heir was Thomas de Chalfonte, who died in 9 Ric. II., when his heirs and next of kin were, according to Hasted, found to be John Bedeford, Roger Turnour, Sibille Jarconville, and Agnes, daughter of Walter atte Style. Berry gives Sir Henry and Matilda de Chalfonte a daughter, Christian, wife of Thomas Waller, of Groombridge, but I am unable to find any trace of her, and should be greatly indebted for any information on this point. I should also be glad to have information concerning the relationship of John de Gerunde to the Hugh de Gerunde whose Ing. p.m. was held in 1 Ed. II. There is, so far as I am aware, no pedigree or account of this family either in print or in MS. CHRISTOPHER JOHNSTON, Jun.

82, Franklin St., Baltimore, Md., U.S.A.

THE FATHER OF SIR THOMAS LAWRENCE.-The story of the precocious childhood of Sir Thomas Lawrence-how, before he was five years old, he used to recite long pieces from Milton and Colling to his father's customers, and draw their portraits is well known.

In Columella; or, the Distressed Anchoret, a Colloquial Tale, 2 vols. 1779, a scarce and very readable old novel by Richard Graves (the friend of Fielding, Pope, and other celebrities), who held the rectory of Claverton, near Bath, for two generations, I find the following reference to the father of the eminent painter; it indicates that the struggling inn-keeper retained an unusual relish for literature to be thus publicly noted; it

may be, however, that Graves knew his father, who was a clergyman :—

"We arrived at the Black Bear in Devizes, where we were politely received by the public-spirited Mr. Laurence [sic], who, notwithstanding the sarcastical reflections of his Chippenham antagonists, and their vaunted superiority in being two miles nearer; Mr. Laurence, I say, is the only man upon the road for warm rooms, soft beds, and for reading Milton."

The public spirit for which Mr. Lawrence is here commended has reference to the erection, at his own expense, of signal posts (painted white) across Salisbury Plain; they were 12 ft. in height, and were stationed at intervals of half a mile. Tourists of the period make frequent mention of the landlord of the Bear Inn and of his "ingenious family" in terms of praise. Madame D'Arblay, staying at the Bear in April, 1780, writes to a friend: "Mrs. Thrale and I were much pleased with our hostess, Mrs. Lawrence, who seemed something above her station in her inn." Pecuniary embarrassments compelled Mr. Lawrence to leave Devizes the following year.

At the time of his illustrious son's birth he kept the White Lion Inn at Bristol, but his business failing there, about three years afterwards he took the Black Bear at Devizes. The future painter was ten years old when Graves wrote Columella. CH. ELKIN MATHEWS.

7, Hamilton Road, N.

THE DEATH OF EDWARD OF LANCASTER AT TEWKESBURY.-This event, which occurred on May 4, 1471, is variously narrated, as may be seen in ordinary histories. But a new light is thrown on it by the record of the Norwich corporation book. This city was strongly Yorkist, and sent forty men equipped and paid to Tewkesbury field. The register, under the year 1470/1, thus speaks of the event, "Ad guerram Tewkesbury, ubi adjudicatus fuit Edvardus filius Henrici nuper regis angliæ et mater ejus capta." The use of this word by a contemporary scribe seems to me to indicate that Edward of Lancaster was captured, tried by a military tribunal, and executed. I may note that in the same year, but in a previous entry, the corporation record their expenditure in receiving and protecting (?) the queen, Elizabeth Woodville, and her daughter, Elizabeth of York, for three days and three nights; and in the next year present the "egregius princeps," Richard, Duke of Gloucester, with 107. in a gilded purse, besides making presents to his "histriones" and an attendant of his. At the same time they imprison two persons in the Guildhall for abusive language held against the king and the duke. English history at this time is so dark that every scrap of contemporary fact is of service, and one of the forty may have told the fact.

Oxford.

JAMES E. THOROLD ROGERS.

BERENGARIA, QUEEN OF RICHARD I.—She is said somewhere to have been the only queen of England who never visited this country. What does this record mean, then?

"London'-Domina Berengaria Regina recepit in propria persona sua, anno iiiito Regis Henrici tertii, post Translationem Beati Thome, mille marcas: et frater Walterus, monachus de Persenia, recepit mille marcas pro ea, in festo Omnium Sanctorum, anno vto Regis ejusdem.” This is from the Memoranda Rolls, 5 Hen. III. The queen must, therefore, have received personally at the Exchequer, in July, 1220, 1,000 marks, and on All Saints' day, same year, sent a monk of the Cistercian Abbey of Persigne (in Maine) for another thousand. I believe Exchequer payments were only made at the Exchequer. J. BAIN.

IRISH POPULAR BALLADS.-In "N. & Q.," 6th S. iii. 185, you allowed me to say a word on this subject. Now that the open organization of the Land League has been suppressed, may I record that there was published last year (1881) in Dublin a small 12mo. of sixteen pages, called Lays of the Land League, by T. D. Sullivan]? This contains four songs: 1. "Murty Hynes "; 2. "Our Vow"; 3. "Plant the Branches"; 4. "Griffith's Valuation "; and "Hold the Harvest," by Fanny Parnell. These are all good examples of the historical nature of the Irish ballad-a point to which I drew attention as above. "Griffith's Valuation," being set to one of the Irish melodies, has become popular among the Irish in England, being frequently sung at their concerts and entertainments. Were I not afraid of encroaching upon your space, I would ask permission to reprint it in "N. & Q.,” as subsequent events have shown that it may be regarded as in some respects prophetic. Can any one give me the history of Harvey Duff? It is an air with which newspaper readers have become familiar in consequence of the offence which it gives to the Royal Irish Constabulary, and of the arrests which have taken place on account of its being sung or whistled. Also, may it not be well to place on permanent record that the Land League newspaper, United Ireland, was seized by the Government on the publication of its nineteenth number, bearing date Dec. 17, 1881? JAMES BRITTEN.

Isleworth.

DANISH FOLK-LORE.-I send you the following curiosities, gathered from a servant of this nationality, whose native place is on the border of Schleswig-Holstein:

You are sure to be lucky if when starting on a journey you meet either a flock of sheep or a black cat. If a crow caw near a house some dreadful calamity is sure to befall the inhabitants. She did not know we had those creatures in England; she thought they had been confined to Denmark!

« VorigeDoorgaan »