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PART II.

holy and ancient doctors, both Latin and Greek, and especially CHAP. V. Jerome, Austin, Ambrose, Origen, Hilary, Chrysostom, Damascenus, and that sort,-not Liranus, not Hugh of Vienne, and the rest, who, as in time so in learning, are far below them; except where the commentaries of the former doctors fail!

of Erasmus's

Novum Testa

The theologians of Oxford had scarcely recovered from Appearance the shock which the institution of bishop Fox's 'gardeners,' mentum. and the formal declaration of a crusade against Nicholas de Lyra and his school, must necessarily have occasioned, when they were startled by another and equally bold manifestation, this time from without. In the beginning of the year 1519, appeared the second edition of Erasmus's Novum Instrumentum. So far as the title was concerned, they were probably not displeased to find that it had been altered back to the more orthodox designation of Novum Testamentum; but, on further inspection, it was discovered that this was but a delusive sign of the author's real intentions, and that the volume was in reality the vehicle of a more serious innovation than any that had yet been ventured on. The Latin text of the Novum Instrumentum was that of the Vulgate; that of the Novum Testamentum was a substantially new translation by Erasmus himself, for which the venerable Vulgate had been discarded! While, to fill up the measure He discards of his offence, he had prefixed to the volume a discourse translation. entitled Ratio Vera Theologiæ, wherein, in opposition to the whole spirit of mediæval theology, he insisted yet more emphatically than ever on the necessity of applying to the study of the Scriptures that historical method which had so long been neglected in the schools".

the Vulgate

feeling at

The new learning, it was now evident, was about, to use State of Erasmus's own expression, 'to storm an entrance,' if admis- Oxford. sion could be obtained on no other terms; and the theologians of Oxford were called upon to decide whether they would impose so stern a necessity on its supporters. Un

1 Ibid.

2 For the characteristic merits of this edition, as well as for other

points of interest, see Mr Seebohm's
admirable criticism in the fourteenth
chapter of his Oxford Reformers.

PART II.

teachers of

Greek no longer resident.

CHAP. V. fortunately, their decision was, in the first instance, not in favour of the wiser course. The Mendicants were numerous in the university; their influence was still considerable; their hatred of Greek intense. And it was not accordingly until the students had signalised themselves by an act of egregious folly, such as is scarcely to be paralleled in the history of either university, that Oxford conceded to the study of Greek an unmolested admission to the student's chamber and a tranquil tenure of the professorial chair. The earlier The men whose character and reputation had upheld the study in former years, were no longer resident. Grocyn, now a palsied old man, was living on his preferment as warden of the collegiate church at Maidstone. Linacre, as court physician, resided chiefly in London. Pace was immersed in political life. Latimer had subsided into the exemplary and unambitious parish priest. More, the youngest of those who, twenty years before, had composed the. academic circle that welcomed and charmed Erasmus, had long ago removed to London; his interest however in the progress of his university was unabated; and it is to his pen that we are indebted for the details of the tactics whereby the defenders of the 'good old learning' at Oxford now endeavoured to make head against heresy and Greek.

Conduct of the Oxford students.

Grecians versus Trojans.

It would appear that the younger students of the university, who shared the conservative prejudices of their seniors, were becoming alarmed at the steady progress of their adversaries, and resolved on the employment of simpler weapons and more summary arguments. Invective had been found unavailing, and recourse was now had to arms against which the profoundest learning and the acutest logic were equally powerless. These youthful partisans formed themselves into one noble army, rejoicing in the name of 'Trojans. One of their leaders, to whom years had not brought discretion, dubbed himself Priam; others assumed the names of Hector and Paris; while all gave ample evi

1 — ' in Trojanos istos aptissime quadrare videtur vetus illud adagium, sero sapiunt Phryges,' was More's

sarcastic observation in his letter. Jortin, 11 663.

PART IL

dence of their heroic descent, by a series of unprovoked CHAP. V. insults to every inoffensive student who had exhibited a weakness for Greek. While the seniors vilified the study from the pulpit, the juniors mobbed its adherents in the streets. The unfortunate Grecians were in sore straits; Fox's 'bees' dared scarcely venture from their hive. They were pointed at with the finger of scorn, pursued with shouts of laughter, or attacked with vollies of abuse. To crown all, one preacher,—a fool even among the foolish,—delivered from the pulpit a set harangue, in which he denounced, not only Greek, but all liberal learning, and declared that logic and sophistical theology were the only commendable studies'. 'I cannot but wonder, when I think of it,' says poor Anthony Wood, at his wits' end to devise some excuse for what could neither be denied nor palliated'.

More was at Huntingdon, in attendance on the king, when he heard of that sermon. He was watching with no little interest the progress of events at the university, and had already been informed of the conduct of the 'Trojans'; but this additional proof of their bigotry and stupidity was more than even his gentle nature could endure, and roused him to earnest though dignified remonstrance. He lost no time in addressing to the authorities at Oxford a formal letter, written March 29, 1519, wherein, after a concise recital of the above facts as they had reached him, he proceeded to implore them, on grounds of the most obvious prudence, to More remonput a stop to so senseless a crusade. You already see,' he the university writes, at the conclusion of a cogent statement with on behalf of respect to the claims and merits of Greek,-'that there are many (and their example will be followed by others), who have begun to contribute considerable funds in order to pro

1 Jortin, 11 663-4, Wood-Gutch, II 16-17.

2 M. Laurent, who in his suggestive work takes occasion to 'tell this story, observes:-'Ces guerres nous paraissent aujourd'hui dignes de celle des grenouilles chantée par Homère; au quinzième siècle, on ne l'entendait pas ainsi : c'était en

réalité la lutte du catholicisme contre
la civilisation moderne. La pre-
mière faculté de théologie de la
chrétienté, la Sorbonne osait dire
devant le parlement, que c'en était
fait de la religion si on permettait
l'étude du grec et de l'hébreu.' His-
toire du Droit des Gens, Tome VIII,
La Réforme, p. 392.

strates with

authorities

the Grecians.

the dispo

by the Oxonians with

the conduct

of the Cantabrigians.

to the univer

CHAP. V. mote the pursuit of studies of every kind in your university, PART II. and particularly that of Greek. But it will be surprising He contrasts indeed, if their friendly sentiments are not chilled, when sition shewn they learn that their excellent designs have become the object of unbounded ridicule. Especially, when at Cambridge, which you were always wont to outshine, even those who do not learn Greek are so far actuated by a common zeal for their university, that, to their credit be it told, they contribute to the salary of the Greek professor'.' How far these temperate and unanswerable remonstrances might have availed unaided, we can only conjecture; but fortunately both More and Pace, from their presence at court, were able to represent the matter, in its true light, to king Henry himself. And one morning all Oxford was startled A royal letter by the arrival of a royal letter, commanding, under the sity secures severest penalties, that all students desiring to apply themfrom further selves to Greek studies, should be permitted to do so without molestation. This was in the year 1519; and in the following year, Wolsey,-into whose hands the university had already surrendered itself, tied and bound, for a complete revisal of its statutes according to his supreme will and pleasure,-founded a professorship of Greek. Then, even to the dullest intellect, the whole question of this new lore assumed another aspect. The Trojans suffered sorely from numerous defections, and ultimately disbanded. Priam, Hector, and Paris retired into private life. It began to be understood that Greek was the road to favour at court and to preferment, and consequently probably, after all, a laudable and respectable branch of learning. 'And thus,' says Erasmus,-who narrates the sequel with no little exultation, -rabulis impositum est silentium2.

the Grecians

molestations.

Wolsey, in

the following

year, founds

a chair of Greek at Oxford.

1 'Præterea multos jam cœpisse videtis, quorum exempla sequentur alii, multum boni vestro conferre gymnasio, quo et omnigenam literaturam promoveant et modo nominatim Græcam. Quorum nunc fervidus in vos affectus mirum ni frigescat, si tam pium propositum summo ludibrio isthic haberi sentiant. Præ

sertim quum Cantabrigiæ, cui vos prælucere semper consuevistis, illi quoque qui non discunt Græce, tam communi suæ scholæ studio ducti, in stipendium ejus qui aliis Græca prælegit viritim perquam honeste contribuunt.' Jortin, 11 666.

2 Opera, III 408.

PART II.

The honorable and unimpeachable testimony above CHAP. V. given in favour of Cambridge at this same period, sufficiently exonerates us from the necessity of exposing the tissue of misrepresentation and misstatement in which Anthony Wood endeavours to veil the real facts, and even to make his own university appear the less hostile to Greek of the two1. It will be more to our purpose, if we direct our attention to the appearance at Cambridge of this new professor of Greek, who, wearing the mantle of Erasmus, was the fortunate recipient of so much larger a measure of encouragement and support.

Croke.

d. 1558.

by Erasmus.

Among the young students whom Eton had sent up to Richard King's College, early in the century, was one Richard Croke, b. 1489 (?) a youth of good family and promising talents. He proceeded to his bachelor's degree in the year 1509-10; and then, having conceived a strong desire to gain a knowledge of Greek, repaired to Oxford, where he became the pupil of Grocyn. It would seem that before he left Cambridge, he Befriended had already made the acquaintance of Erasmus; for we find the latter subsequently giving proof of a strong interest in his welfare, and on one occasion even endeavouring to obtain for the young scholar pecuniary assistance from Colet2. From Oxford Croke went on to Paris; and having com- His career pleted there his course of study as an 'artist,' and acquired a tinent. considerable reputation, he next proceeded to Germany in the capacity of a teacher. He taught at Cologne, Louvain, Leipsic, and Dresden, with remarkable success. Camerarius, who was one of his class at Leipsic, was wont to tell in after life, how he had suddenly found himself famous simply from having been the pupil of so renowned a teacher1.

1 Wood-Gutch, п 16-17.

2 Opera, ш 131.

3 Crocus regnat in academia Lipsiensi, publicitus Græcas docens litteras.' Letter from Erasmus to Linacre (A.D. 1515), Ibid. 11 136.

4 In qua parte' [Erfurt] 'ego, quanquam admodum adolescens, tamen ferebar in oculis, quia audiveram Ricardum Crocum Britannum, qui primus putabatur ita docuisse Græcam linguam in Germania ut plane

perdisci illam posse, et quid momenti
ad omnem doctrinæ eruditionem
atque cultum hujus cognitio allatura
esse videretur, nostri homines sese
intelligere arbitrarentur. Nos quidem
certe ita statuebamus, hanc esse viam
virtutis atque sapientiæ, et iter di-
rectum cum pietatis et religionis,
tum humanitatis et laudis in hac
vita et in terris.' Joach. Camerarii,
Narratio de Helio Eobano Hesso (ed.
Kreyssig, Misenæ, 1843), p. 5.

on the con

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