The greatest part of this performance affords little to engage the attention of the English reader. It is chiefly to be regarded as an ecclesiastical history, calculated rather for those countries which still retain the most bigoted superstition, than for the perusal of such as choose to examine into prodigies before they believe them. Yet, with all the absurdities with which it is replete, it will possibly have its desired effect; for it can sink the reputation of the Jesuits no lower than it is already sunk among the wise of all nations; and it may greatly exalt their character for holiness, among the ignorant and superstitious.

III.-VOLTAIRE'S UNIVERSAL HISTORY.

[Universal History, &c. In a Letter " To the Authors of the Monthly Review," 1757.]

THE number of surreptitious editions which have been published in M. Voltaire's name, would make us imagine that both his friends and the booksellers were alike combined against his fame and his property; these, by stealing his manuscripts, and those by publishing his immature productions. I really compassionate this gentleman for his want of discernment in the choice of friends; and their base treatment of him must surely excite the indignation of every lover of literature. It is the same indignation, no doubt, which has so often transported the author himself, even beyond the bounds of truth, and provoked him strenuously to disown some pieces which he afterwards found no difficulty in publicly reclaiming, when the production made its appearance somewhat more methodically. Had his friends stolen his manuscripts but once, or twice, we could have forgiven them; but to make a trade of it, as they have

done!-our astonishment at their effrontery, even exceeds our pity for the suffering author.

Our surprise is still increased when we consider, that manuscripts are a commodity in which thieves do not much care to deal. We know not what veneration the thieves abroad may have for wit, but, among us, whole reams of poetry, history, and even divinity, would lie as safe in the public highways, as in the as in the garrets of the composers, unless the price paid by the shops for waste-paper should tempt the sons of industry to carry it off.

But the depriving an author of his property, or his fame, is not all the mischief that attends these surreptitious publications: the world may at least be brought to question every thing that appears under his name, and, perhaps, even his genuine productions may, like the rest, be treated as imposture. Shall I repeat an old story? A lady who had heard much of the marquis de Racan, became very desirous of a personal acquaintance with him, and sent him an invitation to her house: the overture coming to the know ledge of two facetious gentlemen of his acquaintance, they resolved to anticipate the favour intended for the marquis. Accordingly, two hours before the appointed time, one of them waited upon the lady, and confidently assumed the name of Racan. He was received with every demonstration of respect. On her part, the lady showed the best side of her understanding, talked over all her criticisms, displayed her wit, and was extremely brilliant. On the other hand, she was infinitely charmed with the conversation of the gentleman; who, however, thought proper to make this first visit but a short one. No sooner had he taken his leave, than his companion, who had waited for the opportunity, also assumes the marquis's name, and introduces himself with the utmost effrontery. The lady was a little discomposed at the imposture of her former visitant; but the pro

testations, and well counterfeited indignation of the new one, removing her chagrin, she recovered her good humour, rallied away, and was the best company in the world. The second false Racan had scarce left the well-pleased lady, enjoying all the triumphs of her own vivacity, when the marquis himself actually arrived. We shall not attempt to describe the confusion of both parties on this occasion. In short, the lady resolved not to hazard a third deception, and the real Racan was refused admittance. The application is obvious.

But, to come to the immediate occasion of this epistle: namely, a new publication of no less than seven octavos, (1) ascribed to M. Voltaire, which, if one may be allowed to judge by the excellence of the performance, is not stolen into the world, though we have no other authority than the bookseller's word for its being genuine. This publication contains the Universal History, or a Survey of the Manners and Customs of all Nations, from the time of Charlemagne ; the materials better methodized, more enlarged, and far more accurate, than in the former editions. With this history is connected that of the age of Louis XIV.; and the whole is continued down to the year 1756. The additions

(1) [“There is an addition of seven volumes of Universal History to Voltaire's Works, that I think will charm you. I almost like it the best of his works it is what you have seen extended, and the Memoirs of Louis XIV. refondues in it. From mistakes in the English part I suppose there are great ones in the more distant histories; yet altogether it is a fine work. He is, as one might believe, worst informed on the present times. He says eight hundred persons were put to death for the last rebellion. I don't believe a quarter of the number were: and he makes the first lord Derwentwater-who, poor man! was in no such high-spirited mood-bring his son, who by the way was not above a year-and-a-half old, upon the scaffold to be sprinkled with the blood. However, he is in the right to expect to be believed; for he believes all the romances in Lord Anson's voyage; and how Admiral Almanzor made one man of war box the ears of the whole empire of China!"-Horace Walpole's Correspondence, vol. ii. p. 22.]

are very numerous, particularly in those parts relative to the manners of the East; though even here the author and the public have suffered, it seems, an irreparable loss, in that of the manuscript which contained the history of the Oriental Arts and Sciences; the materials of which, we are told, he was furnished with by a Greek of Smyrna, named Dadiki, interpreter to king George I. The history of the age of Louis XIV. is increased in this edition more than one-third, particularly in the anecdotes concerning that monarch's reign: and the history of the War of 1741, which in former editions reached no lower than the battle of Fontenoy, is now continued to the treaty of Aix-laChapelle.

It would be superfluous to add our commendation of those pieces, which, even in their imperfect state, have deservedly gained the approbation of the public. Voltaire's beauties as a writer are many and obvious; his faults few, and those well concealed under the dazzle of his abilities. It is certain M. Voltaire often colours too strongly. Fond of characters and anecdotes that may serve to strike the reader, he generally raises or depresses both, as best suits the point of representation he has in view; and if he does not find his facts and personages sufficiently remarkable, or to his purpose, he generally makes them so. His maxims are commonly drawn from too small a number of instances, to be always true; and though as short and comprehensive as those of Tacitus, they are, by no means, so striking. The remarks of Tacitus seem to rise from the narration; those of Voltaire often proceed from the man. The partiality of which he so often accuses the English historians, he himself has not been able to avoid. In fine, he seems to confirm the remark of one of his countrymen, "that poets would make the best historians were they more attached to truth.”

In that part of the work now before me, which gives the history of the late Rebellion in Scotland, M. Voltaire flourishes away, as follows:

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"In this war the kingdom of Great Britain was upon point of experiencing such another contest as that of the White and Red Rose. Prince Charles-Edward, grandson to the unfortunate James II. of England, by the father's side, and to the great John Sobieski of Poland, by the mother's, attempted to ascend the British throne, by one of those enterprizes of which we have very few examples, except among the English alone, or in the fabulous times of antiquity.

On the 12th of August, 1745, he embarked in a little frigate, of eighteen guns, without apprizing the court of France of his intentions; and provided only with seven officers, one thousand eight hundred swords, twelve hundred muskets, two thousand pounds in money, and not a single soldier,—for the conquest of three kingdoms.

"Escaping, however, all the dangers of his voyage, he landed on the south-east coast of Scotland, and was received with every mark of homage by the inhabitants of Moydart, to whom he made himself known. 'But what can we do?' said they, falling at his feet, 'What can men do unfurnished with arms? Poor and helpless! we live on oat-bread and cultivate an ungrateful soil. I will share your labours in its cultivation,' replied the prince; your provisions shall be mine; I will partake of your poverty, and I will furnish with arms.''

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"The poor people, melted at his humility, yet encouraged by his resolution, took arms in his favour. The neighbouring clans flocked to his assistance; and a bit of taffety which he had brought with him, was displayed as the royal standard. As soon as he found himself at the head of fifteen hundred men, he directed his march to the