Pagina-afbeeldingen
PDF
ePub

314

England's fufferings by bad Minifters,

highest pitch (See p. 269.) If the Monitor fhould not be inclined to allow that the Dutchess of Marlborough was worthy of the unlimitted confidence the Queen placed in her, he must admit that the ftate does not neceffarily fuffer even from an unworthy favou- A rite, at least that it will not neceffarily fuffer from a favourite of equal pretenfions with the Dutchefs of Marlbarough,

The PATRIOT, No. III. is intended to prove the Monitor's pofition, B that bad favourites will make a bad ufe of power. This writer, who in a former paper had reproved the Auditor for ruthing on through thick and thin to light up a name at mangled afhes, now advises the Briton to learn the Grammar and idiom of the English language; and having before called the writers he C oppofes wretches and scoundrels, he declares he will not return low abuje; and therefore concludes his paper only by faying, he deems them a set of mer cenary bravoes, who receive wages to fab with their baleful pens the facred reputation of difinterested patriotifm. D

E

The PATRIOT, No. IV. contains an ironical encomium on the art of lying, in a letter figned M'Sarcafm; an art, which the writer fays, muit give the Briton and the Auditor great advantages over their antagonists, who truit only in plain truth. What, fays he, can your arguments be in favour of Mr Pitt if they are only dictated by that old fashioned quality called truth? You can fay,to be fure,that your beloved m-r was vigilant in the difcharge of his duty; that he always preferred the real welfare of his country to his own private views; and that he rather chofe to fix upon men to manage under him, that he thought had capacity and honefty enough to be fit for the offices which he committed to their care, than those who would ever be ready to facrifice their own confciences, if they had any, at the fhrine G of that perfon who has it in his power to bribe them with lucrative employ

ments.

time when, if an infolent mr had dared to have denied that venerable body the privilege of feeing how their own fupplies were laid out, they would have raised a fpirit that would have made that mr with he had been thrown into the fea with a mill-stone about his neck, before he had prefumed to attempt fo barefaced a violation of that very basis of liberty, the rights and privileges of the C-s of Great Britain.

You may add, to crown his character, a firm and real attachment, to our prefent virtuous, and amiable fovereign, an attachment not founded on the mean principle of felf-intereft, which would first defervedly draw on himself the shafts of public cenfure,and then bafely endeavour to shelter himfelf from the impending form, by expofing the facred name of his prince, and friend; but rifing from a thorough knowledge of thofe merits, which claim the love and affection of a truly grateful people,

The NORTH BRITON, No. V. licity of a prince and people, refcued contains an account of the peculiar fefrom the tyrannous flavery of a court minion, exemplified in the deliverance of England by the noble and manly conduct of Edward the third, who, having fome time endured the infolence and mal-administration of Mortimer, who was countenanced by the widow of his father and predeceffor Edward the IId, at length feized him in the prefence of the Queen-mother, and fent him to the Tower, upon which he called a parliament, and told them, "That though not yet arrived at the age prefcribed by law, yet with the confent of his fubjects, he defigned, for the future, holding the reins of government in his own hand:" The Commons confented, and Mortimer was executed at Tyburn. It is not neceffary farther to reprint from this paper extracts from the History of England.

The NORTH BRITON in No. VI, removes the fears of his countrymen that they will be left to ftand alone in the prefent political fray, by obferv

You may likewife mention, with fome appearance of juftice, his great openness in laying every proceedinging, that all the English ministers, nei, before the Hof C-ns; not chufing,like the prefent meek adminiftration, to tell that honourable affembly, that if certain papers were laid before them, they could not understand them: and, Mr Patriot, I myself can remember the

ther have left, nor intend to leave us, Is not the virtuous Mr F, fays he, the darling of the people, ftill very high in office, and in one of the molt lucrative employments the govern ment has to beltow? Does he not privately

[ocr errors]

Characters of two

privately afflift our Chief with the most Jalutary counfels? Has he not propofed the most healing measures? We know that he is ready publickly to ftand forth our champion, and that he has moft explicitly offered us, fome

[blocks in formation]

tleman for taking the feals, because he is not the child of ambition, nor is his great foul tainted with for did avarice. That is only the vice of reptile and groveling minds. Though he has left the naval department, he has not,

time ago, to speak, or not to speak, in AI trust, left behind him all attention

the fenate. Can this part of that "great man's conduct be deemed equivocal? It has indeed hitherto been thought advifeable for him to remain filent, and for fome few years his lips have been locked in adamantine filence, from a full conviction of the B rectitude of the public measures. His regard to us, however, we have the firongeft reafon to believe, and we are fecure (unlefs indeed a new change happens) of his effectual fupport of us, against all his own countrymen, with all his powers of eloquence. What then may we not expect from the vi- C olence and impetuofity of fuch a torrent, which, like a ftream from our Highlands, or from the Alps, after having ftopt for fome years, on a fudden burfts forth again--but I hope not to ruin the country. I am fure this Gentleman will never concurin, much lefs advife, any measures but what D fhall appear to be foothing and conciliating. His tenderness for the constitution, and his affection for the House of Commons in particular, have been fully experienced; nor will he ever defire to have the whip in bis bands to tap into obedience the refractory members. The people of England too will be made happy with the idea of power being lodged in his hands; and we, North Britons fhall fee with joy und gratitude his 'un wearied endeavours to perfect t the noble plan of liberty delivered down to us from our Scottish ancestors.

[ocr errors]
[ocr errors]

to that moft important bufinefs. I hope he will think of fome other re gulations to prevent the late almost incredible defertion of feamen from the royal navy, which his new regu lations (fo applauded by Boscawen and our other great fea-officers and fo grateful to all our commanders) were intended to prevent.

Thefe are the two illuftrious perfo nages on the part of England, who sup, port our Scottish chief How nobly confpicuous in both is the amiable franknefs and openness of heart of the English nation! I only name thefe two, for the fidelity of others to us is dubious and fufpected. Some have already begun to calumniate our patron, and even talk of retaliating our own arts upon us.

The BRITON, No. VI. contains a letter to Lord Bute, in which, the writer obferves, that the writers against him having found his character proof against all their malice, have directed their batteries against his country, by which it is impoffible he fhould be hurt. The writer, then proceeds to remark, that the calamities effential to war have been aggravated during that in which we are now engaged, by the injudicious manner in which it has been carried on. In the profecution of the German war, fays he, fo foreign to our intereft, that all the world, looks upon it as an astonishing inftance of F infatuation, Great Britain now expends annually,more than the amount of the whole yearly fupply, which was granted in the reign of Queen Anne, when we fubfidifed almost all the prin ces of Germany, brought above 200,000 men into the field, and maintained a mighty war againft Lewis XIV. in the zenith of his power. The mifmanage, ment will appear in still more glaring colours, when we confider that near double of the annual fupply then granted, is now added yearly to the national debt; and that the national debt is accumulated to the enormous burden of one hundred and thirty-fix millions. Add to this, the depopulation of the country, the want of hands for agriculture and manufacture, the price of labour fo much enhanced by

G

There is likewife another Gentleman, whom by the most amiable arts, which would do us honour, were they known to the world, we have entirely fecured. This Gentleman has already purned at all obligations, and has broke through whatever would haye engaged every other man, facrificing every focial and friendly tie, to cement the union with us. His zeal has been demonstrated on many late occafions; and in a great affembly if he has failed to perfuade, he has never failed to weary out the adverfary, and to fink him into a deadly laffitude, perhaps a lethargy. How moft fer- H vently Have all parties concurred in withing hin in a certain chair? We have the more obligations to this Gen

the

316

Ill Confequences of the German War..

A

juftly urge the principles of Humanity against the commencement of any war, as against continuing a war till' the ends of war are answered. He feems, however, to think the peace which the late minifter would have made, not eligible; and yet, by a strange inconfiftency, feems to blame him for not concluding it, without even the conceffions he required. The late minifter, fays he, left our American colonies unfecured; admitted the enemy to a share of the Newfoundland fishery; refignedour B conquefts in Africa and the Weft Indies, in confideration of their evacuating the dominions of our German allies; and, rather than repay about two or three hundred thousand pounds for prizes taken before the declaration of war, from private merchants trading under the faith of treaties ;' a fum,' which was depofited on purpofe to be restored at the peas chofe to protract the annual expense of twenty millions, and to expofe his country to the uncertain viciffitudes, and the 'ce:tain calamities of a dreadful war,'whexampled in the history of former ages.

the continual addition of fresh duties
and taxes, that it will be found impof-
fible to maintain our intereft at foreign
markets, whenever there is the leaft
competition. Our very existence as a
powerful nation, feems to be at stake.
Whatever may be urged by a fet of in-
famous ufurers, who prey upon the ne-
ceffities of their country, I infift upon
it, the public credit is drawn so fine as
to threaten cracking at the very next
ftretch. We all remember the diffi-
culties of last year, when the high pre-
miums granted by the g-t, tempted
every individual who could command
a fum of ready money, to leave his juft
debts undifcharged, that he might
embrace the proferred advantage.
Thus all the cafh in the kingdom cen-
tered in the capital, and the extreme
parts were left almost entirely without
circulation. This difafter would have
been lighter, had it been immediately
diftributed again from the Exchequer,
through the canals that would have
diffufed it over the extremities of the
nation; but, great part of it was con-
veyed to Germany, from whence it ne-
ver can return; and confiderable
fams were remitted to America, from D
whence it must one day return, tho
perhaps too late to fave the credit of
the nation.

Among other evil consequences of the war, this writer has thought fit to men. tion our fucceffes; but for this it is not likely he will receive the thanks or approbation of any party either in or o!it. If our minilters during the courfe of the war had, with this writer, been afraid of the ill conferences of fuccefs, I am afraid we thould have incurred evils of a very different kind, and it is to be hoped, for the fake of our happiness as well as honour, that the prefent adminiftration have no fuch fears,but that the national wealth will be faithfully and vigorously ap plied,to make new acquifitions by new fucceffes, the purpofe for which alone it is given; for if we are to be preserved by a want of fuccefs, we may be preferved without the effufion of blood and treafare, which is now flowing to procure it.

He regrets, however, that the late minifter did not take New Orleans a few years ago, when it could have made no refiftance, and he hopes we fhall yet attempt it, though it is become a work of more difficulty. He arges an immediate flop to the war upon principles of humanity, but he hould remember, that he might as

C

E

F

The BRITON, No. VII. contains a fevere cenfure on fome faife; impudent, and infamous infiruations" în the North Briton concerning the fate of Mortimer, and a junction of himself against a writer in the Gazetteer, with which the Pablick has no concern. In the fubfequent part of the paper an attempt is made to b viate two popular objections to perros f, That we are bound by treaty with the K-g of P-a to continue the war till he fhall agree to a peace, zdly, That the French will, in another campaign, be reduced so low, as to accept peace on our own terms.

As to the firit, he gives it as his opinion, that no nation is bound to keep a treaty longer than it appears to be its intereft to keep it: If fo, he would do well to inform us in fome other paper, what is meant by the words public faith, and how any Gnation can be juntly reproached with the want of it. He proceeds, however, upon his principle, and fays, that the only question with regard to the K-g of P-a, is, whether we have more to apprehend from his réfentment than we fhall fuffer from his friendship. Should he, fays this wri#ter, eize Hr, as he has already taken poffeffion of Sy, it is the duty, the interest of the Germanie body to see justice done to any of its con

ftituent

Treaties only in Force for mutual Conveniency.

ftituent members that fhall be oppreffed; but thould they neglect their duty and intereft on fuch an occafion, I hope the elector of H-r will never again have influence enough with the K-g of G-t B-n, to engage him in a war for retrieving it, that hall coft his kingdom annually, for a feries of years, more than double the value of the country in difpute, Should he, on the other hand, difarm the B-b troops in Weftphalia, or, as he dealt with the Sns, diffolve the English regiments, and incorporate the men by compulsion in his own army, we may, for this difgrace, thank that m-r who fent the flower of the English foldiery to ferve as an auxilliary corps to their own mercenaries.

A

B

As to the French being reduced by'another campaign to fign a charte blanc, Ċ this writer obferves, that though the marine and navigation of France have been for fome time ruined, and confequently their naval commerce greatly impaired: yet even in this particular, the war has not been fo fatal to her as is generally fuppofed. She has continued to manage a confiderable traffic in neutral bottoms; and it is a melancholy truth, that many of her fea ports have been enriched, and thrive exceedingly by the fuccefs of their privateers, against which we can have no effectual remedy; that the has a very confiderable internal trade,

D

E

by virtue of her wines, her manufac-
tures, hats, laces, filks, ftuffs, toys, and
a great number of articles of luxury
and convenience, which are purcha-
fed in large quantities all over the
continent; & that, by thefe means, the
lays all her neighbours, and even Eng-
land itfelf under contribution; for F
the British money expended in Weft-
phalia and Brandenburgh, circulates
through all Germany, and great part
of it centers at Hamburgh, and other
cities where French modes prevail, and
French commodities are vendible.

317

in Germany, without levying new tax es, borrowing on remote funds, or adding to her national incumbrances; while Great Britain will be running in debt every year more than the whole amount of the French revenue, till all her refources are drained, and her credit diminished; but if this also be admitted, it can only prove, that we fhould not carry on the war in Ger many, not that we should not carry on the war, nor that we shall not exhaust the French if we do carry it on where our ftrength can moft effectually be exerted, and their power of resistance is lealt.

The AUDITOR, No. IV. contains the following letter, and remark upon it :

SIR,

"At a time when national prejudice feems to rage with a violence unknown to any other age or country, it is a matter of great confolation to me, that I have it in my power to address myself to Mr Auditor. You must know that my grandfather was ordered for transportation by an unrelenting judge at the Old Bailey foon after the revolution; the fentence was enforced with rigour, and the island of Jamaica was the place of his exile. In about eight or ten years my grandfather had the good fortune to kill half a dozen wives, and then he found himself one

Wiehe richest planters in Jamaica,and

1

I now inherit his honours and estate., Now,Mr Auditor, imagine what must be the joy and triumph of my heart,. when I confider, that though we are all abufed and villifyed in this country, though we are called Negroe-drivers, Creoles, &c. &c. in contempt and derifion, yet our friend and countryman is fhortly to be at the head of the first corporation in England, and to have the government of the greatest city in the world. A Creole Lord Mayor of London, Mr Auditor, is, I know, a thing that galls the little narrow hearts of G the citizens; but furely a parcel of mechanics will not prefume to oppose the election of a great planter, the lord of many fellow-creatures enflaved, a diftiller of rum, and a boiler of moloffes ?

The rest of the paper is intended to prove, that Great Britain cannot continue the war against France without manifeft and infuperable difadvantages; but if this was true, he can never be a friend to his country that tells it to her enemies, and if it is true, that we cannot continue the war with advantage after fuch a series of fuccefs H On our part, and loss on theirs, it is true alfo that we cannot commence a war against France, without facrificing the public interest: He fays, indeed, that France will be able to protract the war

I am not now to learn that all my dear countrymen are represented in this northern island as men of crazy imaginations, over-heated brains, loofe morals, immoderate luxury, and uncontroulable pride; I know we have been called the offspring of violated widows

318

Ironical Account of the Writer's Family.

widows and ravifhed negroe-girls; that it has been objected to us that we, in general, come over to this kingdom to brag of our large eftates, dur number of flaves, and our hogfheads of futgar, in order to raise a credit, which we fcandaloufly abuse, and then run back to our dear plantations, while the disappointed English tradesmen are left to the unavailing relief of venting their curfes against us.

A

B

appointments, and prerogatives of ea king, who has had in his own country black princes for his menial fervants, and princeffes for his concubines ?

In the mayoralty of my dear countryman I expect that rum will be the only liquor uted in the city of London; we have feen him already, with the af fiftance of the grand penfioner, overi powering all the diftillers, and carry ing questions by mere dint of face, lungs, and certain flowers of fpeech, which he culled at Billing fgate; and I make no doubt but he will, next winter bring the name of CREOLE into the higheft repute.

I know that the English will murmur and complain of this; but the English are fond of pudding, give them enough of that, and they will ceafe to grumble; Cfided, who knows what we may arrive then, fir, when animofities have fub

I need not mention the regard the grand penfionary of this country has ever entertained for my countryman : it delighted my heart to hear the compliments that paffed between them in the Senate-houfe; when the whole affembly burst into a fit of laughter at my dear countryman, the penfioner arofe in a paffion, and " I defy, fays he, "the loudest laugher of ye all to answer " him; I am glad I was born in an age "that produced fuch a man, fo able a fe"nator, fo good an orator, so rich a plant"er, and fo excellent a physician.” I must own I am forry the grand penfisnary is now out of employment, because I am perfuaded, that through the intereft of our dear countryman, D every thing we could defire, would be done for us. Martinico and Guadaloupe, with our other acquifitions in the Weft Indies, would be ceded to the enemy, in order to raife the price of Jamaica rum and fugar; objections to be fore would be made to this, and it would be urged that experience has now taught the people of England that there

are better iflands in those feas, than thofe for which they have exhausted an infinite treasure. But all argument would be vain; for the penfioner is implicitly governed by our worthy countryman. Well! Mr Auditor, who knows but by clamour and faction he may be restored to his former office?

You may affure yourfelf, Mr Audi tor, that my dear countryman' will be every way qualified to fupport the dignity of a Lord Mayor: our education' prepares us properly for the infolence of office; for when one of our great families has a fon and heir, wonderful pains are taken to infill into his mind proper ideas and principles; a parcel of negroes attend his will and pleasure, and he ballinadoes, hacks, hews, and murders the poor wretches, to fhew that he has none of the weakneffes of humanity.

Befides, Mr Auditor, a Lord Mayor of London ought to be of a republican fpirit; if fo, what regard is that perfon like to have for the ordinantes,

E

F

G

H

at? Our mutual attachment to each other is not to be excelled in ftory: our election purfe, or fubfcription to bribe English boroughs, and make fo many Creoles the guardians of British liberty, and the reprefentatives of En ambition; and pray, Mr Auditor, the glishmen in parliament, is a mark of our next time you go to St Stephen's chappel, do but count the flat noles and thick lips that you may observe there. In the mayoralty of our dear countryman, I hope to fee King on in Jamaica, Spanish Town, &c. enfranchifed, and fending members to the British parlia ment; and then hall the fugar-cane triumph over the hop-pole, and a barbecued hog over the roast beef of the English. Thefe, Mr Auditor, are the fentiments of

1

Your most obedient fervant, Lloyd's Coffee-House, A CREOLE June 28, 1762. I fhall only obferve, that the forego ing letter is written in the very ftile & fpirit of the late libels on government,TM both language and fentiments; but it thould be remembered that the Gentle man here meant, like the rest of his countrymen, is by law a subject of Great Britain, to the fame intents and purposes as if he was a native of this land; that he has a confiderable properry in England, and is a captain of the Wiltbire militia; that he may make a good governor of freemen, though he is a lord of flaves; and therefore it is hoped the citizens of London will not faffer themselves to be infidenced by party-views, and national prejudices, but generously admit their highet ho nours and chiet magiftracy to be given

to

« VorigeDoorgaan »