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This last supposition is perhaps the more reasonable of the two; and although it may appear incredible that a writer of high principle, as Junius is generally supposed to have been, should, under any circumstances, assail his political benefactor, it will not be difficult to show, from the many inconsistencies and contradictions in the "Letters" themselves, that the great satirist was capable even of the meanest falsehood and dissimulation; whereas, for the purpose of the present argument, it is merely suggested that Barré, to disguise and conceal himself and party, extended to the Earl of Shelburne a small portion of the censure which he lavished so abundantly upon Bute, Grafton, and other leading members of a corrupt and venal government; to whom, it is well known, Lord Shelburne was decidedly opposed.

The hypocrisy and deception to which Junius had recourse, may be strikingly illustrated by reference to his conduct towards the Earl of Chatham. The reader has seen how bitterly Colonel Barré, in the outset of his career assailed that able and estimable minister, and how (with a degree of political turpitude unsurpassed, though often equalled, in more recent times) he afterwards became his warm adherent and panegyrist. Junius at different times expressed conflicting sentiments upon that statesman's conduct; and moreover it appears by the Chatham Correspondence, that at the very same period when he was stigmatising the Earl of Chatham, in the Public Advertiser, as an "idiot," a "lunatic," and a "traitor," he addressed his lordship privately in terms like these:—" If I were to give way to the sentiments of respect and veneration which I have always entertained for your character, or to the warmth of my attachment to your person, I should write a longer letter than your lordship would have time or inclination to read."

Surely the existence of such profound dissimulation will justify us in considering that probable, which would otherwise appear most unlikely; namely, that Barré, as the writer of these Letters, was capable of attacking his patron, in order to shield himself from discovery whilst pursuing more important objects.

Many proofs might be adduced to show that Junius was not always

sincere in his satirical tirades. He owned that Sir William Draper, by his injudicious defence of the Marquess of Granby, had provoked him to say much more against that nobleman than he would otherwise have done. To obtain the confidence of Wilkes, he admitted having wilfully misrepresented him. "It was necessary," he says, "to the plan of that letter to rate you lower than you deserved."

The statements of Junius respecting himself cannot be reconciled with truth. At one time he asserts that he was "the sole depositary of his secret," at another he admits that he had "people about him whom he would wish not to contradict, and who had rather see Junius in the papers ever so improperly than not at all." In some letters he mentions his communications as having been " very correctly copied" and on one occasion refers to "the gentleman who transacted the conveyancing part" of his correspondence with Woodfall, whilst he elsewhere says, "I speak from a recess which no human curiosity can penetrate." Though occasionally expressing confidence in the security of his secret, he frequently betrayed the greatest anxiety and dread of a discovery, and adopted the most elaborate artifices to preserve his incognito.

Considering all these circumstances we ought not to be surprised that Colonel Barré wrote the Letters dated in 1767 and 1768, which are ascribed to Junius. It is true that he therein censures the Earl of Shelburne as "Malagrida;" but his chief attacks are levelled at the Duke of Grafton and other leading politicians: and, as already intimated, it is a well authenticated fact that his lordship, and consequently Barré, who held a subordinate trust in the government, radically differed from the premier and his immediate supporters. If the Earl of Shelburne was ignorant of his assailant until both were out of office, it is easy to conjecture that he would not then resent attacks which were not likely to be renewed, but rather that he would assist the accomplished author of them in his future and more ambitious efforts.

The whole character of LORD SHELBURNE justifies this assumption. He is generally admitted to have been a profound and skilful diplomatist. Without entering fully into the history of his lordship's

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political career, it is necessary to mention a few particulars respecting him, to show the probability of his being a participator, at all events, in the Letters bearing the signature of Junius. Sir Harris Nicolas in his "Biographical Peerage" briefly characterises this distinguished politician as follows:

"William, Marquess of Lansdowne, passed a life of constant political exertion, by which his name is sufficiently distinguished in our history. In May, 1766, he was appointed Secretary of State, which he held till June, 1768. In 1782 he was again appointed to that office, and in July following (on the death of the the Marquess of Rockingham) First Lord of the Treasury, which he held till the 5th of April, 1783, and during that period concluded a general peace. The arrangements he made to obtain the command of this ministry so displeased his former friends that they immediately formed a strong opposition to him, which drove him from the helm, and he could never afterwards acquire the confidence of any powerful and efficient party. For many years he acted an insulated part, and exhibited continued proofs of a mortified ambition, which probably embittered his latter days. This subjected him to the suspicion of being disaffected with the government; and his wide correspondence with persons in every court of Europe, which probably arose from his anxious desire of priority, and pre-eminence in political information gave colour to the idea. He was created Marquess of Lansdowne in 1784 by Mr. Pitt, whom he had brought forward as his Chancellor of the Exchequer at the age of twenty-four."*

Another biographer of his lordship observes :

"From 1768 to 1782 we find the Earl of Shelburne in honourable opposition to all the measures of government, preserving a consistency and uniformity of principle highly creditable to his political character. From 1770 to 1782 was certainly the most brilliant period of his public life. During this period no question of importance was agitated in Parliament in which the Earl of Shelburne did not take a leading part, and always on the patriotic or popular side. As a statesman, the Marquess of Lansdowne is universally acknowledged to possess first-rate qualities. As a senator he is the most interesting and fascinating speaker in the Upper House, and is second to no one in the force of his arguments, in the poignancy of his satire, and above all in the deep information with which his speeches abound."†

* Nicolas's "Biographical Peerage," (1808), vol. i., p. 110.

+ From a Memoir, signed A. D., in the second volume of "Public Characters," 8vo., 1799-1800.

Lord Chancellor Camden was indebted to the friendship of the Earl of Shelburne for his political advancement, and had a high opinion of his lordship's abilities. George Hardinge, a barrister, commenced a life of Camden, the manuscript of which is quoted as follows in Lord Campbell's "Lives of the Lord Chancellors" (vol. v. p. 362.)

'Lord Shelburne's character is too well known to demand any analysis of it, and I have only to observe that, with all his peculiarities, Lord Camden admired his debating powers above those of any other peer in his time, Lord Chatham alone excepted."

Further testimony of the Earl of Shelburne's political merits and mental qualifications is furnished in a copious biographical notice published in the Monthly Magazine soon after his decease; but it is unnecessary to quote therefrom. The following extracts from the interesting lucubrations of Jeremy Bentham will be more acceptable to the reader, as affording vivid glimpses of the true character both of the writer and his subject. The ensuing paragraphs are from Dr. Bowring's notes of his "Conversations with Bentham."

"Now, I'll tell you," said the latter on one occasion, "by whose means Lord Shelburne was informed of every thing that passed at court. They were the two Lady Waldegraves, the daughters of the Duchess of Gloucester. These ladies lived at court-ladies of honour or some such thing. They used to write to the Miss V-'s [who were inmates of Lord Shelburne's family] and report what passed at court. Lord Shelburne did not tell me on the occasion, but he told me on after occasions, that he knew all that passed through this channel. There was another lady living with the Queen, a Lady Dartry, the wife of a banker at Dublin. He was afterwards raised a peg on the peerage, and called Viscount Cremorne, and as Lord Lansdowne was indebted no less than 300,000l., a great deal of it came from this banking lord, and from Sir Francis Baring." 3毫

In 1789 Bentham wrote some letters signed "Anti-Machiavel," which appeared in the Public Advertiser, the same journal which

* Bowring's "Life of Bentham," p. 116.

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had previously been the instrument of the popularity of "Junius." On the day, or the day after, one of these letters appeared, Bentham called at Lansdowne House, and thus relates what passed:

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"You are found out,' cried Lord Lansdowne, laying hold of me; ‘Lady L. it was that detected you,' and he told me by what mark. He was in a perfect ecstacy. Never shall I forget the rapidity with which we vibrated arm in arm, talking over the matter, in the great dining-room. A day or two after came out in the same paper, an answer, under the signature of A Partisan.' 'So,' says he, here's an antagonist you have got! Do you know who he is?' 'Not I indeed.' 'Well, I will tell you; it is THE KING.' That he had means of knowing this was no secret to me. For a considerable length of time, a regular journal of what passed at the Queen's House had been received by him : he had mentioned to me the persons from whom it came. The answer was, of course, a trumpery one. The communication produced on me the sort of effect that could not but have been intended. JUNIUS had set the writings of the day to the tune of asperity. I fell upon THE BEST OF KINGS with redoubled vehemence.”*

These observations prove that Lord Shelburne possessed in an eminent degree the power of aiding Junius with secret information respecting persons, and proceedings at court. Other passages will exemplify his personal and political character and opinions:

Captain Blankett and Jekyll were necessary instruments to Lord Shelburne. They were to watch in the quarters of the enemy."-(p. 116.)

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His Lordship did not care much about Hastings; but knowing the part the King took, and having all the King's conversations reported to him, he professed to take Hastings's part."-(p. 117.)

"The conversation turned upon Lord Mansfield. To the two noble friends (Lord Shelburne and Lord Camden) he was the object of conjunct and undisguised antipathy."-(p. 119.)

"Lord Lansdowne's mind seemed always in a state of agitation, with the passion of ambition and the desire of splendour. He was never much at ease, for he always outran the constable, and involved himself monstrously in debt. What endears his memory to me is that, though ambitious of rising, he was desirous of rising by means of the people. He was really radically disposed, and he witnessed the French revolution with sincere delight. He had quar

*Bowring's "Life of Bentham," p. 212.