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of him or it. "Three years were silently em- habitants of Mecca, in common probably with the ployed in the conversion of fourteen proselytes. other Arabian tribes, acknowledged, as, I think, For ten years, the religion advanced with a slow may clearly be collected from the Koran, one and painful progress, within the walls of Mecca. supreme Deity, but had associated with him many The number of proselytes in the seventh year of objects of idolatrous worship. The great doctrine his mission may be estimated by the absence of with which Mahomet set out, was the strict and eighty-three men and eighteen women, who re-exclusive unity of God. Abraham, he told them, tired to Ethiopia."* Yet this progress, such as it their illustrious ancestor; Ishmael, the father of was, appears to have been aided by some very im- their nation; Moses, the lawgiver of the Jews; portant advantages which Mahomet found in his and Jesus, the author of Christianity; had all assituation, in his mode of conducting his design, serted the same thing that their followers had and in his doctrine. universally corrupted the truth, and that he was 1. Mahomet was the grandson of the most now commissioned to restore it to the world. Was powerful and honourable family in Mecca: and it to be wondered at, that a doctrine so specious, although the early death of his father had not left and authorized by names, some or other of which him a patrimony suitable to his birth, he had, long were holden in the highest veneration by every before the commencement of his mission, repair-description of his hearers, should in the hands of ed this deficiency by an opulent marriage. A person considerable by his wealth, of high descent, and nearly allied to the chiefs of his country, taking upon himself the character of a religious teacher, would not fail of attracting attention and followers.

a popular missionary, prevail to the extent in which Mahomet succeeded by his pacific ministry?

4. Of the institution which Mahomet joined with this fundamental doctrine, and of the Koran in which that institution is delivered, we discover, I think, two purposes that pervade the whole, viz. 2. Mahomet conducted his design, in the outset to make converts, and to make his converts solespecially, with great art and prudence. He con-diers. The following particulars, amongst others, ducted it as a politician would conduct a plot. His may be considered as pretty evident indications of first application was to his own family. This these designs: gained him his wife's uncle, a considerable person 1. When Mahomet began to preach, his adin Mecca, together with his cousin Ali, afterward dress to the Jews, to the Christians, and to the the celebrated Caliph, then a youth of great ex- Pagan Arabs, was, that the religion which he pectation, and even already distinguished by his taught, was no other than what had been origiattachment, impetuosity, and courage. He next nally their own.-"We believe in God, and that expressed himself to Abu Beer, a man amongst which hath been sent down unto us, and that the first of the Koreish in wealth and influence. which hath been sent down unto Abraham, and The interest and example of Abu Beer, drew in Ishmael, and Isaac, and Jacob, and the Tribes, five other principal persons in Mecca; whose so- and that which was delivered unto Moses and licitations prevailed upon five more of the same Jesus, and that which was delivered unto the prorank. This was the work of three years; during phets from their Lord: we make no distinction which time, every thing was transacted in secret. between any of them."* "He hath ordained you Upon the strength of these allies, and under the the religion which he commanded Noah, and powerful protection of his family, who, however which we have revealed unto thee, O Mohammed, some of them might disapprove his enterprise, or and which we commanded Abraham, and Moses, deride his pretensions, would not suffer the orphan and Jesus, saying, Observe this religion, and be of their house, the relic of their favourite brother not divided therein." "He hath chosen you, and to be insulted; Mahomet now commenced his hath not imposed on you any difficulty in the republic preaching. And the advance which heligion which he hath given you, the religion of made during the nine or ten remaining years of his peaceable ministry, was by no means greater than what, with these advantages, and with the additional and singular circumstance of their being no established religion at Mecca at that time to contend with, might reasonably have been expected. How soon his primitive adherents were let into the secret of his views of empire, or in what stage of his undertaking these views first opened themselves to his own mind, it is not now easy to determine. The event however was, that these his first proselytes all ultimately attained to riches and honours, to the command of armies, and the government of kingdoms.

3. The Arabs deduced their descent from Abraham through the line of Ishmael. The in

Gibbon's Hist. vol. ix. p. 244, &c.; ed. Dub. Of which Mr. Gibbon has preserved the following specimen "When Mahomet called out in an assembly of his family, Who among you will be my companion and my vizir? Ali, then only in the fourteenth year of his age, suddenly replied, O prophet! I am the man;whosoever rises against thee, I will dash out his teeth, tear out his eyes, break his legs, rip up his belly. O prophet! I will be thy vizir over them."-Vol. ix. p. 245. Gibbon, vol. ix. p. 244.

your father Abraham."

And

2. The author of the Koran never ceases from describing the future anguish of unbelievers, their despair, regret, penitence, and torment. It is the point which he labours above all others. these descriptions are conceived in terms, which will appear in no small degree impressive, even to the modern reader of an English translation. Doubtless they would operate with much greater force upon the minds of those to whom they were immediately. directed. The terror which they seem well calculated to inspire, would be to many tempers a powerful application.

3. On the other hand; his voluptuous paradise; his robes of silk, his palaces of marble, his rivers and shades, his groves and couches, his wines, his dainties; and above all, his seventy-two virgins assigned to each of the faithful, of resplendent beanty and eternal youth; intoxicated the imaginations, and seized the passions of his Eastern followers.

4. But Mahomet's highest heaven was reserved for those who fought his battles, or expended * Sale's Koran, c. ii. p. 17. † lb. c. xlii. p. 393. Ib. c. xxii. p. 281.

their fortunes in his cause.-"Those believers | prohibition of wine, till the fourth year of the who sit still at home, not having any hurt, and Hegira, or seventeenth of his mission, when his those who employ their fortunes and their per-military successes had completely established his sons for the religion of God, shall not be held authority. The same observation holds of the equal. God hath preferred those who employ fast of the Ramadan,† and of the most labotheir fortunes and their persons in that cause, to rious part of his institution, the pilgrimage to a degree above those who sit at home. God hath | Mecca.+ indeed promised every one Paradise; but God hath preferred those who fight for the faith before those who sit still, by adding unto them a great reward; by degree of honour conferred upon them from him, and by granting them forgiveness and mercy."* Again; "Do ye reckon the giving drink to the pilgrims, and the visiting of the holy temple, to be actions as meritorious as those performed by him who believeth in God and the last day, and fighteth for the religion of God? They shall not be held equal with God.-They who have believed and fled their country, and employed their substance and their persons in the defence of God's true religion, shall be in the highest degree of honour with God; and these are they who shall be happy. The Lord sendeth them good tidings of mercy from him, and good will, and of gardens wherein they shall enjoy lasting pleasures. They shall continue therein for ever; for with God is a great reward." And once more; "Verily God hath purchased of the true believers their souls and their substance, promising them the enjoyment of Paradise, on condition that they fight for the cause of God; whether they slay or be slain, the promise for the same is assuredly due by the Law and the Gospel and the Koran."+ §

5. His doctrine of predestination was applicable, and was applied by him, to the same purpose of fortifying and of exalting the courage of his adherents." If any thing of the matter had happened unto us, we had not been slain here. Answer: If ye had been in your houses, verily they would have gone forth to fight, whose slaughter was decreed to the places where they died."

What has hitherto been collected from the records of the Mussulman history, relates to the twelve or thirteen years of Mahomet's peaceable preaching; which part alone of his life and enterprise admits of the smallest comparison with the origin of Christianity. A new scene is now unfolded. The city of Medina, distant about ten days' journey from Mecca, was at that time distracted by the hereditary contentions of two hostile tribes. These feuds were exasperated by the mutual persecutions of the Jews and Christians, and of the different Christian sects by which the city was inhabited.§ The religion of Mahomet presented, in some measure, a point of union or compromise to these divided opinions. It embraced the principles which were common to them all. Each party saw in it an honourable acknowledgment of the fundamental truth of their own system. To the Pagan Arab, somewhat imbued with the sentiments and knowledge of his Jewish or Christian fellow-citizens, it offered no offensive, or very improbable theology. This recommendation procured to Mahometanism a more favourable reception at Medina, than its author had been able, by twelve years' painful endeavours, to obtain for it at Mecca. Yet, after all, the progress of the religion was inconsiderable. His missionary could only collect a congregation of forty persons. It was not a religious, but a political association, which ultimately introduced Mahomet into Medina. Harassed, as it should seem, and disgusted by the long continuance of factions and disputes, the inhabitants of that city saw in the admission of the prophet's authority, a rest from the miseries which they had suffered, and a suppression of the violence and fury which they had learned to condemn. After an embassy, therefore, composed of believers and unbelievers,¶ and of persons of both tribes, with whom a treaty was concluded of strict alliance and support, Mahomet made his public entry, and was received as the sovereign of Medina.

6. In warm regions, the appetite of the sexes is ardent, the passion for inebriating liquors moderate. In compliance with this distinction, although Mahomet laid a restraint upon the drinking of wine, in the use of women he allowed an almost unbounded indulgence. Four wives, with the liberty of changing them at pleasure, T together with the persons of all his captives,** was an irre- From this time, or soon after this time, the imsistible bribe to on Arabian warrior. "God is postor changed his language and his conduct. minded (says he, speaking of this very subject) | Having now a town at his command, where to to make his religion light unto you; for man was arm his party, and to head them with security, he created weak." How different this from the un-enters upon new counsels. He now pretends accommodating purity of the Gospel! How that a divine commission is given him to attack would Mahomet have succeeded with the Chris- the infidels, to destroy idolatry, and to set up the tian lesson in his mouth,-"Whosoever looketh upon a woman to lust after her, hath committed adultery with her already in his heart?" It must be added, that Mahomet did not enter upon the

† Ib. c. ix. p. 151.

Sale's Koran, c. iv. p. 73. Ib. c. ix. p. 164. "The sword (saith Mahomet) is the key of heaven and of hell; a drop of blood shed in the cause of God, a night spent in arms, is of more avail than two months' fasting or prayer. Whosoever falls in battle, his sing are forgiven at the day of judgment; his wounds shall be resplendent as vermillion, and odoriferous as musk; and the loss of his limbs shall be supplied by the wings of angels and cherubim.Gibbon, vol. ix. p. 256. Sale's Koran, c. iii. p. 54. Ib. c. iv. p. 63.

** Gibbon, vol. ix. p. 225.

true faith by the sword.** An early victory over a very superior force, achieved by conduct and bravery, established the renown of his arms, and of his personal character. Every year after this was marked by battles or assassinations. The nature and activity of Mahomet's future exertions may be estimated from the computation, that, in the nine following years of his life, he commanded

† Tb. p. 112.

Mod. Univ. Hist, vol. i..p. 126. This latter, however, already prevailed amongst the Arabs, and had grown out of their excessive veneration for the Caaba. Mahomet's law, in this respect, was rather a compliance than an innovation.—Sale's Prelim. Disc. p. 122.

§ Mod Univ. Hist. vol. i. p. 100. Ib. p. 85, T Ibid. ** Ib. vol. i. p. 88. tt Vict. of Bedr, ib. p. 106.

his army in person in eight general engagements,* | fishermen, with a conqueror at the head of his and undertook, by himself or his lieutenants, army. We compare Jesus without force, without fifty military enterprises.

From this time we have nothing left to account for, but that Mahomet should collect an army, that his army should conquer, and that his religion should proceed together with his conquests. The ordinary experience of human affairs, leaves us little to wonder at, in any of these effects: and they were likewise each assisted by peculiar facilities. From all sides, the roving Arabs crowded round the standard of religion and plunder, of freedom and victory, of arms and rapine. Beside the highly painted joys of a carnal paradise, Mahomet rewarded his followers in this world with a liberal division of the spoils, and with the persons of their female captives. The condition of Arabia, occupied by small independent tribes, exposed it to the impression, and yielded to the progress, of a firm and resolute army. After the reduction of his native peninsula, the weakness also of the Roman provinces on the north and the west, as well as the distracted state of the Persian empire on the east, facilitated the successful invasion of neighbouring countries. That Mahomet's conquests should carry his religion along with them, will excite little surprise, when we know the conditions which he proposed to the vanquished. Death or conversion was the only choice offered to idolaters. "Strike off their heads! strike off all the ends of their fingers! kill the idolaters wheresoever ye shall find them!" To the Jews and Christians was left the somewhat milder alternative of subjection and tribute, if they persisted in their own religion, or of an equal participation in the rights and liberties, the honours and privileges, of the faithful, if they embraced the religion of their conquerors. "Ye Christian dogs, you know your option, the Koran, the tribute, or the sword." The corrupted state of Christianity in the seventh century, and the contentions of its sects, unhappily so fell in with men's care of their safety, or their fortunes, as to induce many to forsake its profession. Add to all which, that Mahomet's victories not only operated by the natural effect of conquest, but that they were constantly represented, both to his friends and enemies, as divine declarations in his favour. Success was evidence. Prosperity carried with it, not only influence, but proof. "Ye have already (says he, after the battle of Bedr) had a miracle shown you, in two armies which attacked each other; one army fought for God's true religion, but the other were infidels." Again; "Ye slew not those who were slain at Bedr, but God slew them.-If ye 'desire a decision of the matter between us, now hath a decision come unto you."

Many more passages might be collected out of the Koran to the same effect. But they are unnecessary. The success of Mahometanism during this, and indeed, every future period of its history, bears so little resemblance to the early propagation of Christianity, that no inference whatever can justly be drawn from it to the prejudice of the Christian argument. For, what are we comparing? A Galilean peasant accompanied by a few

Mod. Univ. Hist. vol. i. p. 255.
Gibbon, vol. ix. p. 255.

Sale's Koran, c, viii. p. 140.

Ib. c. ix. p. 149.

power, without support, without one external circumstance of attraction or influence, prevailing against the prejudices, the learning, the hierarchy, of his country; against the ancient religious opinions, the pompous religious rites, the philosophy, the wisdom, the authority of the Roman empire, in the most polished and enlightened period of its existence; with Mahomet making his way amongst Arabs; collecting followers in the midst of conquests and triumphs, in the darkest ages and countries of the world, and when success in arms not only operated by that command of men's wills and persons which attends prosperous undertakings, but was considered as a sure testimony of divine approbation. That multitudes, persuaded by this argument, should join the train of a victorious chief; that still greater multitudes should, without any argument, bow down before irresistible power; is a conduct in which we cannot see much to surprise us; in which we can see nothing that resembles the causes by which the establishment of Christianity was effected.

The success, therefore, of Mahometanism, stands not in the way of this important conclusion; that the propagation of Christianity, in the manner and under the circumstances in which it was propagated, is a unique in the history of the species. A Jewish peasant overthrew the religion of the world.

I have, nevertheless, placed the prevalency of the religion amongst the auxiliary arguments of its truth; because, whether it had prevailed or not, or whether its prevalency can or cannot be accounted for, the direct argument remains still. It is still true that a great number of men upon the spot, personally connected with the history and with the author of the religion, were, induced by what they heard, and saw, and knew, not only to change their former opinions, but to give up their time, and sacrifice their ease, to traverse seas and kingdoms without rest and without weariness, to commit themselves to extreme dangers, to undertake incessant toils, to undergo grievous sufferings, and all this, solely in consequence, and in support, of their belief of facts, which, if true, establish the truth of the religion, which, if false, they must have known to be so.

PART III.

A BRIEF CONSIDERATION OF SOME POPULAR

OBJECTIONS.

CHAPTER I.

The Discrepancies between the several Gospels.

I KNOW not a more rash or unphilosophical conduct of the understanding, than to reject the substance of a story, by reason of some diversity in the circumstances with which it is related. The usual character of human testimony is substantial truth under circumstantial variety. This is what the daily experience of courts of justice teaches. When accounts of a transaction come from the

Gibbon, vol. ix. p. 337. ¶ Sale's Koran, c. iii. p. 36. mouths of different witnesses, it is seldom that it

** Ib. c, viii. p. 141.

corous in the comparison, the life of an eminent person, written by three of his friends, in which there is very great variety in the incidents selected by them; some apparent, and perhaps some real contradictions; yet without any impeachment of the substantial truth of their accounts, of the authenticity of the books, of the competent inform

But these discrepancies will be still more numerous, when men do not write histories, but memoirs; which is perhaps the true name and proper description of our Gospels: that is, when they do not undertake, or ever meant, to deliver, in order of time, a regular and complete account of all the things of importance, which the person, who is the subject of their history, did or said; but only, out of many similar ones, to give such passages, or such actions and discourses, as offered themselves more immediately to their attention, came in the way of their inquiries, occurred to their recollection, or were suggested by

is not possible to pick out apparent or real in- | respective credit of their histories. We have in consistencies between them. These inconsisten- our own times, if there were not something indecies are studiously displayed by an adverse pleader, but oftentimes with little impression upon the minds of the judges. On the contrary, a close and minute agreement induces the suspicion of confederacy and fraud. When written histories touch upon the same scenes of action, the comparison almost always affords ground for a like reflection. Numerous, and sometimes import-ation or general fidelity of the writers. ant, variations present themselves; not seldom also, absolute and final contradictions; yet neither one nor the other, are deemed sufficient to shake the credibility of the main fact. The embassy of the Jews to deprecate the execution of Claudian's order to place his statue in their temple, Philo places in harvest, Josephus in seed-time; both contemporary writers. No reader is led by this inconsistency to doubt, whether such an embassy was sent, or whether such an order was given. Our own history supplies examples of the same kind. In the account of the Marquis of Argyle's death, in the reign of Charles the Second, we have a very remarkable contradiction. Lord Claren-their particular design at the time of writing. don relates that he was condemned to be hanged, This particular design may appear sometimes, which was performed the same day; on the con- but not always, nor often. Thus I think that the trary, Burnet, Woodrow, Heath, Echard, concur particular design which Saint Matthew had in in stating that he was beheaded; and that he was view whilst he was writing the history of the recondemned upon the Saturday, and executed upon surrection, was to attest the faithful performance the Monday.* Was any reader of English his- of Christ's promise to his disciples to go before tory ever sceptic enough to raise from hence a them into Galilee; because he alone, except Mark, question, whether the Marquis of Argyle was who seems to have taken it from him, has recordexecuted or not? Yet this ought to be left in un-ed this promise, and he alone has confined his certainty, according to the principles upon which narrative to that single appearance to the disciples the Christian history has sometimes been attacked. which fulfilled it. It was the preconcerted, the Dr. Middleton contended, that the different hours great and most public manifestation of our Lord's of the day assigned to the crucifixion of. Christ, person. It was the thing which dwelt upon Saint by John and by the other evangelists, did not ad- Matthew's mind, and he adapted his narrative to it. mit of the reconcilement which learned men had But, that there is nothing in Saint Matthew's lanproposed; and then concludes the discussion with guage, which negatives other appearances, or which this hard remark: "We must be forced, with seve-imports that this his appearance to his disciples in ral of the critics, to leave the difficulty just as we found it, chargeable with all the consequences of manifest inconsistency." But what are these consequences? By no means the discrediting of the history as to the principal fact, by a repugnancy (even supposing that repugnancy be not resolvable into different modes of computation) in the time of the day in which it is said to have taken place.

Galilee in pursuance of his promise, was his first or only appearance, is made pretty evident by Saint Mark's Gospel, which uses the same terms concerning the appearance in Galilee as Saint Matthew uses, yet itself records two other appearances prior to this: "Go your way, tell his disciples and Peter, that he goeth before you into Galilee: there shall ye see him as he said unto you." |-(xvi. 7.) We might be apt to infer from these A great deal of the discrepancy observable in words, that this was the first time they were to the Gospel, arises from omission; from a fact or see him: at least, we might infer it, with as much a passage of Christ's life being noticed by one reason as we draw the inference from the same writer, which is unnoticed by another. Now, words in Matthew: yet the historian himself did omission is at all times a very uncertain ground not perceive that he was leading his readers to of objection. We perceive it, not only in the comany such conclusion; for in the twelfth and two parison of different writers, but even in the same following verses of this chapter, he informs us of writer when compared with himself. There are two appearances, which, by comparing the order a great many particulars, and some of them of im- of events, are shown to have been prior to the apportance, mentioned by Josephus in his Antiqui-pearance in Galilee. "He appeared in another ties, which, as we should have supposed, ought to have been put down by him in their place in the Jewish wars. Suetonius, Tacitus, Dio Cassius, have, all three, written of the reign of Tiberius. Each has mentioned many things omitted by the rest, yet no objection is from thence taken to the

*See Biog. Britann.

form unto two of them, as they walked, and went into the country: and they went and told it unto the residue, neither believed they them: afterward he appeared unto the eleven, as they sat at meat, and upbraided them with their unbelief, because they believed not them that had seen him after he was risen."

Probably the same observation, concerning the Middleton's Reflections answered by Benson. Hist. particular design which guided the historian, may be of use in comparing many other passages of the Gospels.

Christ. vol. iii. p. 50.

Lardner, Cred. part i. vol. ii, p. 735, &c.

Ibid. p. 743,

CHAPTER II.
Erroneous Opinions imputed to the Apostles.

A SPECIES of candour which is shown towards every other book, is sometimes refused to the Scriptures; and that is, the placing of a distinction between judgment and testimony. We do not usually question the credit of a writer, by reason of an opinion he may have delivered upon subjects unconnected with his evidence: and even upon subjects connected with his account, or mixed with it in the same discourse or writing, we naturally separate facts from opinions, testimony from observation, narrative from argument.

To apply this equitable consideration to the Christian records, much controversy and much objection has been raised concerning the quota tions of the Old Testament found in the New; some of which quotations, it is said, are applied in a sense, and to events, apparently different from that which they bear, and from those to which they belong, in the original. It is probable to my apprehension, that many of those quotations were intended by the writers of the New Testament as nothing more than accommodations. They quoted passages of their Scripture, which suited, and fell in with, the occasion before them, without always undertaking to assert, that the occasion was in the view of the author of the words. Such accommodations of passages from old authors, from books especially which are in every one's hands, are common with writers of all countries; but in none, perhaps, were more to be expected than in the writings of the Jews, whose literature was almost entirely confined to their Scriptures. Those prophecies which are alleged with more solemnity, and which are accompanied with a precise declaration, that they originally respected the event then related, are, I think, truly alleged. But were it otherwise; is the judgment of the writers of the New Testament, in interpreting passages of the Old, or sometimes, perhaps, in receiving established interpretations, so connected either with their veracity, or with their means of information concerning what was passing in their own times, as that a critical mistake, even were it clearly made out, should overthrow their historical credit?-Does it diminish it? Has it any thing to do with it?

possess enables us now to perceive. To those who think that the Scriptures lead us to believe, that the early Christians, and even the apostles, expected the approach of the day of judgment in their own times, the same reflection will occur, as that which we have made with respect to the more partial, perhaps, and temporary, but still no less ancient error concerning the duration of St. John's life. It was an error, it may be likewise said, which would effectually hinder those who entertained it from acting the part of impostors.

The difficulty which attends the subject of the present chapter, is contained in this question; If we once admit the fallibility of the apostolic judg ment, where are we to stop, or in what can we rely upon it? To which question, as arguing with unbelievers, and as arguing for the substantial truth of the Christian history, and for that alone, it is competent to the advocate of Christianity to reply, Give me the apostles' testimony, and I do not stand in need of their judgment; give me the facts, and I have complete security for every conclusion I want.

But although I think that it is competent to the Christian apologist to return this answer; I do not think that it is the only answer which the objection is capable of receiving. The two following cautions, founded, I apprehend, in the most reasonable distinctions, will exclude all uncertainty upon this head which can be attended with danger.

First, to separate what was the object of the apostolic mission, and declared by them to be so, from what was extraneous to it, or only incidentally connected with it. Of points clearly extraneous to the religion, nothing need be said. Of points incidentally connected with it, something may be added. Demoniacal possession is one of these points: concerning the reality of which, as this place will not admit the examination, or even the production of the argument on either side of the question, it would be arrogance in me to deliver any judgment. And it is unnecessary. For what I am concerned to observe is, that even they who think it was a general, but erroneous opinion, of those times; and that the writers of the New Testament, in common with other Jewish writers of that age, fell into the manner of speaking and of thinking upon the subject, which then universally prevailed, need not be alarmed by the conAnother error imputed to the first Christians, cession, as though they had any thing to fear from was the expected approach of the day of judgment. it, for the truth of Christianity. The doctrine I would introduce this objection by a remark upon was not what Christ brought into the world. It what appears to me a somewhat similar example. appears in the Christian records, incidentally and Our Saviour, speaking to Peter of John, said, accidentally, as being the subsisting opinion of the "If I will that he tarry till I come, what is that to age and country in which his ministry was exerthee?" These words, we find, had been so mis-cised. It was no part of the object of his revelaconstrued, as that a report from thence "went abroad among the brethren, that that disciple should not die." Suppose that this had come down to us amongst the prevailing opinions of the early Christians, and that the particular circumstance, from which the mistake sprang, had been lost (which, humanly speaking, was most likely to have been the case,) some, at this day, would have been ready to regard and quote the error, as an impeachment of the whole Christian system. Yet with how little justice such a conclusion would have been drawn, or rather such a presumption taken up, the information which we happen to

John xxi. 22.

tion, to regulate men's opinions concerning the action of spiritual substances upon animal bodies. At any rate it is unconnected with testimony. If a dumb person was by a word restored to the use of his speech, it signifies little to what cause the dumbness was ascribed; and the like of every other cure wrought upon those who are said to have been possessed. The malady was real, the cure was real, whether the popular explication of the cause was well founded, or not. The matter of fact, the change, so far as it was an object of sense, or of testimony, was in either case the same.

Secondly, that, in reading the apostolic writings, we distinguish between their doctrines and their arguments. Their doctrines came to them

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