he was taking measures, as the event showed, for the incorporation of the Ligurian republic with France, and the progressive extension of its dominion over the Ecclesiastical States and the whole Italian peninsula. No man ever knew so well as Napoleon how, by the artful use of alluring expressions, to blind his people to the reality of the projects which he had in view; none ever calculated so successfully upon the slight recollection, and exclusive attention to present objects, which have ever characterised that volatile people; and none ever so successfully practised the great art of revolutions, to rouse effort by the language of generosity, and

disclosed the existence of a coalition | to other states." Such were the exagainst France, or at least of negotia-pressions by which he blinded the eyes tions tending to such an end, com- of his subjects at the very time that pletely answered the purpose of Napoleon. It both revealed to the subjects of his empire the necessity of extensive armaments, and gave them an opportunity of comparing what they deemed the pacific intentions and moderation of the Emperor with the projects of ambition which were entertained by the coalesced sovereigns. The press, which in his hands, as it invariably does in the hands of every despotic power, whether military or popular, had become the most terrible and slavish instrument in benighting mankind, resounded with declamations on the forbearance and wisdom of the youthful conqueror. The real causes of the war-the occupation of Italy, the in-apply it to the purposes of selfishness. vasion of Germany, the subjugation of Switzerland-were studiously kept out of view; the encroachments of the Allies, the ambition of kings, the lust of the coalition, alone were referred to. Public opinion, formed on the only arguments the people were permitted to hear, prepared unanimously to support the ruler of France, in the firm belief that in so doing they were not following out any projects of offensive ambition, but preparing only for the maintenance of domestic independence.

7. This session of the legislative body was distinguished by an important step in French finance, highly characteristic of the increased wisdom and milder administration by which that great department was now governed. This was the commencement of the system of indirect taxation, and the consequent diminution of that enormous load of direct burdens which, amidst all the declamations of the revolutionists, had been laid during the preceding convulsions upon the French people. It has been already mentioned, that the ter

6. This general delusion was increased by the eloquent and seducing ex-ritorial burdens of France, during the pressions in which Napoleon addressed progress of the Revolution, had become himself to the legislative body at the enormous; the land-tax amounting to opening of the session in the close of a full fifth of the whole profit derived the year 1804. "Princes, magistrates, from cultivation by the nation, and the soldiers, citizens !" said he, "we have inequality in the distribution of this all but one object in our several de- burden being so excessive, that in many partments the interest of our country. places the landowners paid thirty, forty, Weakness in the executive is the great- fifty, and even eighty per cent on their est of all misfortunes to the people. incomes. The enormity of the evil at Soldier, or First Consul, I have but one length attracted the attention of the thought: Emperor, I have no other Emperor, and his sagacious mind at object-the prosperity of France. I do once perceived the superiority of taxes not wish to increase its territory, but I on consumption, which, confounded am resolved to maintain its integrity. with the price of the articles on which I have no desire to augment the in- they were laid, were hardly felt as a fluence which we possess in Europe; grievance, over an enormous direct but I will not permit what we enjoy to payment from the proprietors to the decline. No state shall be incorporated government, which fell with excessive with our empire; but I will not sacrifice and intolerable severity upon a partimy rights, or the ties which unite us | cular class of society. Under his aus

vicissitudes of fortune, never for one moment swerved. In the speech from the throne,the King of England observed:— "I have received pacific overtures from the chief of the French government, and have in consequence expressed my earnest desire to embrace the first opportunity of restoring the blessings of peace, on such grounds as may be consistent with the permanent interest and safety of my dominions; but these objects are closely connected with the general peace of Europe. I have, therefore, not thought it right to enter into any more particular explanation without previous communication with those

pices, accordingly, a system of indirect taxes was organised, under the name of Droits Reunis, which soon came to form an important branch of the public revenue. In the very first year, though their amount was very inconsiderable, they enabled the government to diminish the territorial impost by 1,200,000 francs, or £48,000. The revenue, as laid before the Chambers, though not a faithful picture, exhibited a progressive increase in all its branches, and enabled the Emperor, without any loans, with the assistance only of the great contributions levied on Spain, Portugal, Italy, and other allied states, to meet the vast and increasing ex-powers on the Continent with whom I penses of the year. On the 31st December, a flattering exposition of the situation of the Empire was laid before the chambers by M. Champagny, the minister of the interior, and the intention announced of effecting constitutional changes in the Italian and Batavian republics, similar to that recently completed in the French empire. The splendid picture which these representations drew of the internal prosperity of France gave rise to the eulogium on Napoleon, which acquired a deserved celebrity at the time :"The first place was vacant: the most worthy was called to fill it: he has only dethroned anarchy."

:

am engaged in confidential intercourse and connection with a view to that important object, and especially the Emperor of Russia, who has given the strongest proofs of the wise and dignified sentiments with which he is animated, and of the warm interest which he takes in the safety and independence of Europe."

9. It was not without foundation that MrPitt thus publicly announced the formation of political connections which evidently pointed to a third coalition. His ardent mind had long perceived, in the coldness which had taken place between France and Russia, and the almost open rupture with Sweden, the elements from which to frame a powerful confederacy against that formidable empire; and considerable progress, through his indefatigable efforts, had been made, not only in arranging the basis of such a confederacy, but in obtaining the co-operation of the power whose aid was indispensable to its success-the cabinet of Vienna. Assured at length of the friendly disposition of the Austrian government, notwith. standing the caution and reserve which, from their exposed situation, they were compelled to adopt, Mr Pitt, four days 313,749,000 or 12,550,000 after the meeting of parliament, pre198,584,000 7,950,000 sented a confidential communication to 1,700,000 the Russian ambassador in London, in 156,000

8. Events of still greater moment were announced to the British parliament in the speech from the throne; and the negotiations which then took place were of the greater importance that they formed the basis on which, at the conclusion of the war, the arrangements at the Congress of Vienna were mainly formed. From the ground then taken Great Britain, amid all the subsequent

The income of France during the year 1804 was eighteen millions of francs higher than in 1803, and was as follows:

Francs.

41,485,000" 3,895,000" 10,471,000 16,658,000 3,220,000"

Direct taxes,

Registers,

Customs,

Excise, first year,

Post-office,

Lottery,

Salt-tax,

-DUC DE GAETA, i. 304.

£

420,000 which the basis of the principles of the 660,000 coalition was distinctly laid down. It 130,000 was proposed-1. To reduce France to its former limits, such as they were before the Revolution. 2. To make, in

588,062,000 or 23,566,000

regard to the countries rescued from | afterwards, effected the deliverance of France, such arrangements as, while Europe; and it is a memorable instance they provide in the best possible man- of national perseverance as well as ner for the happiness and rights of moderation, to behold the same objects their inhabitants, may at the same time unceasingly pursued by his successors, form a powerful barrier against it in during ten years of the most violent future, and for this purpose to incor- oscillations of fortune, and no severer porate the Low Countries with Prus- terms at length imposed upon the vansia; 3. To unite the kingdom of Etruria quished than had been agreed to by to Tuscany, restore Lombardy to Aus- their conquerors in the outset of the tria, and annex Genoa to the kingdom strife, and at the highest point of the of Piedmont; 4. To take measures for enemy's elevation.* establishing a system of public right throughout Europe. "The first of these objects," continues the note, "is certainly the one which the views of his Majesty and of the Emperor (of Russia) would wish to be established, without any modification or exception; and nothing less can completely satisfy the wishes which they have formed for the security and independence of Europe." The co-operation of Austria was alluded to in the same document; for it goes on to state-" His Majesty perceives with pleasure, from the secret and confidential communications which your Excellency has transmitted, that the views of the court of Vienna are perfectly in accordance with this principle, and that the extension which that court desires can not only be admitted with safety, but even carried farther with advantage to the common

10. But it is worthy of especial notice, that, even in this secret and confidential note, there is not a hint of either reducing the ancient limits of France, or imposing a government on it contrary to the wishes of its inhabitants; an instance of moderation in nations, suffering at the moment so severely from the ambition of that country, which is in the highest degree remarkable, and rendered the confederacy worthy of the glorious success which ultimately attended its exertions. The note, indeed, is the noblest monument of the prophetic wisdom, as well as impartial justice, with which Mr Pitt conducted the war against the Revolution. It is truly wonderful to see that great statesman thus early tracing the outline of the general policy of the great coalition which, ten years

11. Diplomatic relations of a friendly character had already taken place between the cabinet of St Petersburg and that of Berlin. So early as 24th May 1804, the latter, alarmed at the rapid strides of France in the north of Germany, had concluded a secret convention with the former, by which it was stipulated that so long as the First Consul limited himself to 30,000 men in the north of Germany, the two courts should remain quiescent; but if other states in the neighbourhood should be invaded, they should unite their forces and act in concert for the common defence. But the death of the Duke d'Enghien produced warmer feelings, and rapidly led to a disposition towards a coalition in the northern courts, though the long-established jealousy of Prussia still marred the conclusion of a lasting alliance. A treaty was concluded between Russia and Sweden, for the avowed purpose of "maintain- . ing the balance of power in Europe, and providing for the independence of Germany." Immediately afterwards, a Russian corps disembarked in Pomerania, to act in conjunction with the Swedish forces. This treaty proved a source of jealousy and disquietude to the Prussian cabinet, and the diplomatic relations between Berlin and St Petersburg soon assumed a spirit of hostility, which augured little good to the confederacy which England was striving to bring about between the great powers of Europe. Count Winzingerode was in consequence despatched to Berlin by the Emperor Alexander, to endeavour to induce the Prussian cabinet to enter into the designs of England and Russia; but notwithstand* See Appendix A, Chap. xxxix.

ing the leaning of Baron Hardenberg, | began to be directed through its conits chief minister, and the influence of cerns, and, like the Debatable Land the Queen, the old jealousy of Austria still prevailed, and Prussia persisted in that evident partiality to the French alliance which was destined to be rewarded by the catastrophe of Jena and partition of Tilsit.

12. The supplies voted in the British parliament for the service of the year amounted to no less than £44,559,521 of war taxes, for the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, exclusive of £4,534,000, as separate charges, for England, besides £28,032,000 as permanent expenses, making a total of £77,125,521 yearly expenditure. The ways and means, including a loan of £20,000,000, amounted to £43,992,000 for Great Britain, and £3,500,000 for Ireland, besides a permanent revenue for both countries of £32,381,000; in all, £79,873,000.* The new taxes imposed to meet the interest of the loan were no less than £1,560,000, consisting chiefly of additions to the salt-duty, to the postage of letters, to the legacy duty, and to those levied on horses employed in husbandry, or in agricultural operations.

between England and Scotland in former days, it was in consequence subjected to a species of government distracted by passions utterly fatal to lasting prosperity. In this session of parliament also, the report of the select committee upon the tenth and eleventh naval reports was printed, in regard to the treasuryship of the navy under the management of Lord Melville-proceedings upon which the spirit of party immediately fastened with more than usual acrimony, and which were subsequently made the means of effecting the overthrow of the statesman who had elevated the British navy from a state of unexampled dilapidation to the highest point of its triumph and glory.

14. The grounds of this charge against Lord Melville, which is a matter of more importance in the domestic history of Britain than in the general transactions of Europe, were, 1st, That he had applied the public money to other uses than those of the navy departments under his control, in violation of an express act of parliament; and, 2d, That he had connived at a system, on the part of the treasurer of the navy, of appropriating, for a time at least, the public money under his charge to his own uses; in consequence of which, if the public had sustained no actual loss, they had at least run a considerable risk, and been deprived of the profits arising from such temporary use, which should all have been carried to the public credit. These charges were brought forward, in a speech of distinguished ability and vehemence, by Mr Whitbread, a mer

13. The disturbed state of Ireland again rendered the suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act indispensable, which accordingly passed both houses by a very large majority. Indeed, the continued anarchy of that beautiful island now began to spread among the thoughtful and observant in Great Britain a mournful conviction, which subsequent events have abundantly justified, that its people either had not received from nature the character, or had not reached by industry the stage of civilisation, requisite for the safe en-cantile gentleman of great eminence in joyment of a free constitution; and that the passions consequent on the exercise of its powers would permanently distract its inhabitants, and desolate its surface. But though these views were beginning to spread among the thoughtful few, they took no root among the thoughtless many party-real import of what was established in spirit fastened on Ireland as the best field whereon to achieve its triumphs; all the chief attacks on the ministry * See Appendix B, Chap. xxxix.

London, a perfect master of business and a powerful debater, who for long afterwards assumed a prominent place in the ranks of the Opposition in the House of Commons. Mr Pitt, without denying the facts detailed in the report, called the attention of the house to the

evidence-viz. that no loss had been sustained by the public, every shilling drawn out by the treasurer of the navy having been replaced in the hands of

the bankers; and that it did not appear | which continued, with little intermisthat Lord Melville had been aware of sion, to agitate the legislature for fivethe private purposes of profit to which and-twenty years. The question was that gentleman had applied the money, argued with the utmost ability in both and most certainly had not derived houses of parliament; and to a subseone farthing of personal advantage quent generation, which has witnessed from that irregularity.* After an the passing of the Catholic Relief Bill, animated debate, Mr Whitbread's reso- and is familiar with its effects, it is a lutions were carried by the casting vote matter both of interest and instruction of the Speaker, the numbers being two to behold the light in which it was hundred and sixteen on each side. then viewed, and the arguments adduced for and against the measure by the greatest men of the age. On the one hand, it was argued by Mr Fox, Lord Grenville, and Mr Grattan, "That, in considering the claims of the Roman Catholics to exemption from the disabilities under which they laboured, it is material to recollect that they do not form a small or inconsiderable sect, but compose three-fourths of the population of Ireland, and embrace, according to some, three, according to others, five millions of its inhabitants. It would indeed be a happy thing if we were all united in religious as well as in political and constitutional opinions; but that, unfortunately, cannot now be hoped for, and the question is, what is to be done under existing circumstances? That parliament has long, too long, acted upon the distinction of religious faith, is indeed certain; but, in justice to the memory of King William, it must be observed, that the system of exclusion did not commence with his measures, but arose in a subsequent reign, when the opinion unfortunately became prevalent, that the Roman Catholics were the irreconcilable enemies of the Protestant establishment of Ireland, and the Protestant government of England; and upon that assumption, without any proof, the step was taken of excluding them from all share in the constitution. Not content with this, means were devised, by penalties, proscriptions, and disabilities, to drive the whole Catholic peasantry from the island, or reduce them to the state of a poor, ignorant, and illiterate population.

15. This was too important a blow against the administration of Mr Pitt, not to be followed up with the utmost vigour by the Whig party, and was felt most keenly by that minister. It led to various subsequent proceedings; and so vehement did the opinion of the public become, in consequence of the incessant efforts made by the press in the interest of the Whigs, to keep it in a state of agitation, that, on the 6th May, Mr Pitt announced in parliament, that Lord Melville's name had been erased from the list of privy councillors: and the thanks of the House of Commons were voted to the commissioners who had prepared the report, "for the zeal, ability, and fortitude, with which they had discharged the arduous duties intrusted to them." The noble lord had resigned his situation as First Lord of the Admiralty two days after the resolutions of the House of Commons were passed. These proceedings led to the impeachment of Lord Melville, in the following year, in the House of Peers, but he was acquitted by a large majority on all the charges, after a trial of great length and perfect impartiality; and in the interim, the nation, from whose service he had been removed, was saved from imminent danger and possible destruction by the memorable victory, to which his efforts as First Lord of the Admiralty had so mainly contributed, at Trafalgar.

16. This session of parliament was distinguished also by the commencement of those memorable debates on the removal of the existing disabilities from the Roman Catholics of Ireland,

* "I never," said Mr Whitbread, "charged Lord Melville with participating in the plunder of the public, because that had not ap

peared."-Parl. Deb. iv. 611.

17. "Such was the state in which the Roman Catholics of Ireland were at the accession of his present Majesty ; and under his government the measures