the French Government abroad; the Septennial Act asserted them at home-while the press crawled feebly on, under the weight of the censorship, and through the trammels of corruption. . . . Such was the state of things when Louis XVIII. died.* His brother passed from the chamber of death; the royal doors unfolded to the new king "Le Roi, Messieurs," said M. de Blacas, according to ancient usage, and Charles the Tenth received the homage of the princes and great officers of the crown. *The following words are given to Louis XVIII. just previous to his death, and seem, from what I can learn, to have been, with some verbal inaccuracies, really addressed to his brother. "I have dealt with all parties as did Henry IV., and, more fortunate than Henry IV., I die in my bed. Do you do as I have done, and you will die as I die. I forgive you all the pain you have caused me:" and subsequently, when the Duc de Bourdeaux was presented to him,-"Let Charles X. have a care for that child's crown?" -Hist. de la Restoration. I believe I may be permitted to say that I have seen in different parts of his private correspondence, very extraordinary proofs of Louis's great sagacity, of the fears he entertained for the projects of the Comte d'Artois, and of his sense of the danger to which those projects would expose the throne of his nephew. RESTORATION. PERIOD II. Charles X. popular, though the Comte d'Artois so unpopular-The French hailed a King who could ride on horseback-The abolition of the censorship-Reaction against the King-The Jesuits-M. de Villèle carries the powers of the Constitution to the extremest verge -The system which he essayed left in its failure no resourceThe character of M. de Villèle-Ministry of Martignac-Steps towards liberty-Why unsuccessful-The march taken by the nation during the Ministry of Villèle-Opinions of M. Martignac-Ideas of Charles X.-Difficulties of situation and causes-Advantage of popular names to avert too sudden popular concessions-Reasons why this advantage should exist-Danger of choosing unpopular names-Example in M. Polignac-Feelings in the countryCourse of the King-Ordonnances consistent with Charles X.'s character-Considerations-Great difficulty of preserving the institutions of 1814, and the principle on which they were givenThe three mean-way systems failed-Not once was the Chamber "liberal," but that it passed to doctrines hostile to the sacred prerogatives of the Crown; not once was the Chamber "royalist," but that it insisted on a policy inimical to the accorded liberties of the people-Weakness never so fatal to its possessor as when accompanied by violence-An absolute theory worst enemy of a constitutional throne. STRANGE to say, never was king at the commencement of his reign more popular than the unpopular heir to the throne.* With the happy levity of their character, the French forgot the religious prejudices, the constitutional repugnances of the Comte d'Artois on Often, and even lately, I have heard people, looking back to this time, speak of the change that took place, the kind of religious enthusiasm that was suddenly kindled in favour of Charles X., as one of the most remarkable political phenomena of their changeful day; and when one considers Charles the Tenth's known opinions, known personal attachments, it does appear far more astonishing that his manners should, even for a moment, have deceived his people, than that their confidence should have so fatally and so decidedly deceived himself. ་ the accession of Charles X. Change itself was no inconsiderable blessing to such a people; and wearied with a decrepit monarch, swathed in flannel, they delighted themselves in the possession of a king who enjoyed the pre-eminent advantage of bearing himself gallantly on horseback. Charles X: courted popularity, and had in his favour all the external circumstances which procure it. Courteous, dignified, with a peculiarly royal air, and a singular grace of expression, his manner and his conversation were far superior to himself, though it is very erroneous, notwithstanding all his errors, to suppose that he did not possess a certain ability. I remember being in Paris about this time. It is impossible to describe the enthusiasm which pervaded it when the abolition of the censorship wound up to the highest pitch the popular excitement." But this enthusiasm, wide as it spread, was neither calculated to last long, nor did it penetrate deep: it was upon the surface of the nation. Those who had approached the king in the transaction of affairs, knew the prejudices which guided him, and the incompatibility which must exist between his future government and his momentary popularity. Those into whom the last reign had inspired a deep and almost desperate dissatisfaction, paused, it is true, for a moment in their thoughts and plans—would have * Charles the Tenth owed the greater part of his short-lived popularity to a certain grace of language and a certain chivalry of manner, of which it is impossible for any one but a Frenchman to understand the value. The removal of the censorship, however, was a new title to applause, and seems at first sight to militate against what has previously been said of the views and policy of this prince. But it is a singular fact that the extreme Royalists were always favourable to the liberty of the press-partly because they had been in opposition when the government of Louis XVIII. had proposed to control that liberty, partly because they really and sincerely believed that, in spite of the republic and the empire, the antique adoration for royalty still lingered in the hearts of men, and that it only required to be frankly and loyally appealed to. Charles X. then, fond of scenes, fond of popular applause--as what monarch, dreaming despotism, is not ?seized with delight an opportunity which, as he thought, would ultimately extend his power, and which at all events rendered him for three days the idol of Paris. been willing to pardon, at the price of almost impossible concessions-but first doubting, finally disappointed, they added to the list of their wrongs the vainness of those hopes that had been excited, and with a more dark and determined spirit pursued their reveries of revenge. In vain did the new monarch, with a noble policy that did honour to his advisers, attempt to unite all the feelings, and all the generations, old and young, of his people, in the solemn and comprehensive terms of his coronation oath*-even then, brief as was the period that had elapsed, his opinions were recognised, and his popularity was on the decline. What else could be expected? The unfortunate Charles X., with the swift descent of a misgiving sinner, had plunged from the pinnacle of gay debauch, where he had signalized his early days, down to the very depths of superstition. Those religious men— the civilized benefactors of a barbarous age, and who then, inverting their endeavours, struggled to quench and to put out the sacred light which humanity honours them for having kindled--the Jesuits-no longer the friends of intelligence, the propagators and professors of the liberal and learned arts-the Jesuits-as far behind the time in which they were living as they had been before the time at which they appeared-the Jesuits-not, as of old, remarkable for their profound knowledge and vast acquirements--but retaining merely their dangerous and selfish policy, their profligate CORONATION OATH.-" En présence de Dieu, je promets a mon peuple de maintenir et d'honorer notre sainte réligion, comme il appartient au roi très-chrêtien et au fils ainé de l'Eglise; de rendre bonne justice à tous mes sujets; enfin, de gouverner conformément aux lois du royaume et à la charte constitutionnelle, que je jure d'observer fidèlement; qu'ainsi Dieu me soit en aide, et ses saints Evangiles." As chief sovereign and grand master of the royal and military order of Saint Louis, and of the royal order of the Legion of Honour, the king said, "Nous jurons solennellement à Dieu de maintenir à jamais, sans laisser déchoir leurs glorieuses prérogatives, l'ordre royal et militaire de Saint-Louis et l'ordre royale et militaire de la Légion d'Honneur; de porter la croix des dits ordres, et d'en faire observer les statuts. Ainsi le jurons et promettons sur la sainte Croix et sur les saints Evangiles." The order of Saint Louis-the order of the Legion of Honour !-Here were two epochs. and treacherous morality-were marching with stealthy steps, through by-ways and secret avenues, towards the most important offices in the country, and hoping and attempting to substitute for the misfortune of infidelity the curse of superstition. Already had this crafty and ambitious sect crept near the cabinet of the king, whispered into the ear of the minister, insinuated itself into the seminaries of education—the affairs of religion became the daily business of the state; laws were brought forward which punished sacrilege as parricide; the Chamber of Deputies resembled a council of Nice; and the Government interferingwhere it is most dangerous to interfere with the pleasures of the Parisians-elongated the gowns of the actresses and the opera dancers, and peremptorily decided how many inches of their necks and their ankles should be exposed.-Lo! through the streets of Paris, so gay, so indolent, so prone to ridicule and irreligion, marches the long procession, chanting the "Miserère;" and the Minister of War delights the army with an assurance that-that regiment is excellent at prayers, and this regiment incomparable at "pâques." While "the Tartuffe" recovers its originality, and is given amid shouts of applause, as if it were a new piece written for the period. And now amid a series of measures, the one more unpopular than the other, the monarchy moves steadily and unhappily on to its destruction. The indemnity to emigrants weakens the security of property-the law of primogeniture shocks that equality*—at once the darling passion and the ruling * The law to establish a system of primogeniture was thrown out in an hereditary Chamber of Peers. "What," said M. Molé, whose moderation I need not mention-"What," said M. Molé, "of the adoption or the rejection of this law? The parties interested are fathers, elder children, younger children, and France. Well! will the fathers receive more authority? or will they not, by the most immoral of combinations, be condemned, in some degree, to disinherit many of their offspring? And the eldest born!-that right which they will hold from the law, in opposition to Nature, will it not render them odious and hostile to their brothers and sisters? And the younger born, against whom this project is directed? In wishing to make an aristocracy with the elder children, VOL. II.-B 3 |