being too eager in fettling a plan of ecclefiaftical government for places as yet not in the least evangelized: and it must be owned, that this extreme care of fubordination and uniformity does feem premature; but the fpirit of the times favoured fuch hafty external institutions.

Gregory thought long and deeply of this his favourite infant Church; and wrote to Mellitus, one of the miffionaries going to Britain, an account of the fruits of his meditations; which were*, that the idol-temples being purged of their uncleanness, fhould be converted into churches for the use of the natives, in which they might worship God, according to the Gofpel. And reflecting that they had been wont to facrifice to dæmons, and in their facrifices to indulge themselves in feafts, he directs that, fetting apart all facrifices and whatever was connected with idolatry, they might be allowed on the day of the Church's dedication, or on the martyrdom of Saints, to make booths for themselves in the neighbourhood of the churches, and enjoy themselves in temperate banquets. This latter direction appears dangerous: the reafon he affigns for it, is, that the English, if they found their usual entertainments to be altogether prohibited, might be induced to relapfe into idolatry. I cannot compare Gregory's compliances to the jefuitical artifices practised in after ages among the Chinese, because it appears that idolatry was abfolutely prohibited, and the real Chriftian religion taught in Britain: but a man, who knew human nature fo well as this bishop did, might have foreseen the practical exceffes which his license would encourage, and should have committed to God himself the fuccefs of his own caufe among the English.

* Id. C. 30.

Hearing

Hearing from Auguftine of his miraculous powers, Gregory, who feems to have entertained no doubt of their reality, cautions him excellently against pride and prefumption on their account, informs him that they were given him more for the fake of the new converts than of himself, and teaches him the all-important leffon of humility. He wrote alfo to Ethelbert, to congratulate, inftruct, and exhort him, setting before him the example of the great Constantine, and preffing him to extend the propagation of the Gospel*. His zeal was much animated by the near prospect which he him

felf

* Hume (Chap. I. of his history of England) reprefents this exhortation to extend the propagation of the Gofpel as inconfiftent with the conduct of Auguftine, "who had thought proper in the commencement of his miffion, to affume the appearance of the greatest lenity." Thus it is that men, more malignant than intelligent in Chriftian history, pervert facts, and represent pious men as hypocritical in their moderate conduct. The truth is, neither Conftantine, nor Theodofius, nor Gregory, nor any of the antients ever compelled any. man to become a Chriftian, either in the beginning or progrefs of religion. Nor does any thing of the kind appear in Gregory's letter to Ethelbert. But he, like Theodofius, directed, that the worship of idols fhould be destroyed. Men were allowed to remain aloof all their days from Christianity, if they pleafed. Forced conver fions, like thofe of popery in after ages, were as yet unknown, and this other mark of Anti-Chrift, perfecution, as yet existed not in the Church. It is very poffible, that the indifferent fpirit of our times may be difgufted with that part of the conduct of Theodofius and Gregory, which related to the destruction of idols, and call it perfecution. Be it fo: I have (in Chap. XVI. Cent. 4) examined this point with as much exactness as I can. But let not men of fincere piety and fervent charity for the good of fouls, be reprefented as if they were hypocritical in their moderation at first, and as if they intended to establish tyranny afterwards. Their plan was, whether it be agreeable to prefent reigning maxims or not, to compel no man to receive Christianity, and at the fame time to render, the practice of idolatry impracticable. I believe many, who have written against them as perfecutors, have not diftinctly understood this diftinction. All I contend for here is this, they acted confiftently and uprightly.

felf had of the end of the world, and of which he failed not to inform the king of Kent*. The latter reigned fifty years, and died in 616. As a ftatef- A.D. man he was great, as a Chriftian greater ftill. And 616. few princes in any age were richer bleffings to their fubjects than Ethelbert and Bertha.

But this fine gold was not without fome alloy! Before thefe events there exifted, in Wales particularly, a British church. Auguftine willing to establish an uniformity of difcipline and cuftoms in the island, invited the Welsh bishops to a conference, and began to admonifh them to enter into Chriftian peace and concord, that with hearts united they might join in evangelizing the pagans. The Britons obferved Eafter at a feafon different from that of the Roman Church, and did many other things contrary to her cuftoms. The conference proved fruitless; the Britons would hearken to no prayers or exhortations; and Auguftine in the clofe had recourse to a miraculous fign. A blind man was introduced to be healed. We are told that the Britons had no fuccefs; but that Auguftine's prayers were heard, and his fight was reftored. The Britons were induced to confefs, that Auguftine was fent of God, but pleaded the obftinacy of their people, as a reason for their non-compliance. A fecond fynod was appointed, attended by seven Britifh bishops, and many of their learned men, belonging to the famous monastery at Bangor, of which Dinoth was at that time the abbot. Before these came to the fynod, they asked the advice of a perfon of reputed fanctity, whether they should give up their own traditions on the authority of Auguftine or not. Let humility, faid he, be the test,

* Gregory had already written to queen Bertha, and ftimu. lated her zeal to labour for the converfion of her husband. + Bed. B. II. C. 2.

Id. C. 32.

teft, and if you find, when you come to the fynod, that he rises up to you at your approach, obey him; if not, let him be despised by you. On fo precarious an evidence, it feems, did he reft the proof of humility. It happened, that Auguftine continued fitting on their arrival, which might eafily have taken place, without any intentional infult: the Britons were however incenfed, and would hearken to no terms of reconciliation. Auguftine proposed to them to agree with him only in three things, leaving other points of difference undecided, namely, to obferve Eafter at the fame time with the rest of the Christian world, to adminifter baptifm after the Roman manner, and to join with Augustine in preaching the Gospel to the English. In all other things, fays he, we will bear you with patience. The Britons were inexorable, and refufed to acknowledge his authority. you will not have peace with brethren, faid the archbishop of Canterbury, rouzed at length into an unbecoming warmth, you will have war with enemies; and if you will not preach to the English the way of life, you will fuffer death at their hands." It happened afterwards, that, in an invasion of the Pagan Saxons of the north, the Bangorian monks were cruelly deftroyed, though long after the death of Auguftine. He died in peaceable poffeffion of the See of Canterbury, after having lived to fee the Gofpel propagated with increafing fuccefs. He ordained Mellitus and Juftus bishops; London was brought into the pale of the Church, and the fouthern parts of the ifland found the benefit of his labours, and of thofe of his auxiliaries.

I fhall close the story of English affairs with the death of Auguftine, which happened early in the 7th century. And as the ground I am now upon has been difputed, I am willing to lay open all the infor

mation

Let us hear

mation which antiquity can give us. fome other accounts of these transactions.

Writers, who have been ftudious of the honour of our country, tell us, that when Auguftine came into England, he found feven bishops and an archbishop supplied with godly governors and abbots, and that the Church was in goodly order, at Bangor particularly that Dinoth the abbot fhewed Auguftine, that they owed him no fubjection: that their bishops had been independent of Rome: that the bishops of Rome had no more right to their obedience than other Chriftians had, and that the bishop of Caerleon upon Ufk was their proper fuperior*; and that in revenge for this honeft affertion of their independency, the Kentish king procured the invasion and flaughter of the British monks mentioned above.

How Christianity was afterwards propagated in our island, and how the difputes between the Roman and British churches terminated, will properly fall under our confideration hereafter. In the mean time the injuftice of a certain writer to the memory of Gregory, in accufing him of exercising tyranny over the British Church, is very glaring. We have, by an early affociation of ideas, been fo habituated to condemn every thing that is Roman in religion, that we are not eafily open to conviction on this fubject. It should, however, be remembered, that not the leaft revenue could accrue to Gregory from the converfion of Britain; nor did he fuggeft or intimate any lucrative plan, directly or indirectly. If there were any improper fteps taken, they must not be charged to a selfish or interested fpirit, fuch as that which has fince animated the papacy. The doctrines

* Galfridus Monometenfis, B. IV. C. 12. See Nicholls on the Common Prayer.

t Bower's Lives of Popes, Vol. II. Gregory.