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habits in which it has been educated; and wherever its numbers approach to an equality with the adherents to the established church, these last will be considered merely as another sect; they will be disliked as a privileged sect; and a great and dangerous jealousy will exist with regard to any measures that may be thought necessary for checking the progress of the evil in the only legitimate way; viz. by spreading the knowledge of the established doctrines through the medium of public instruction, and by increasing the number and enlivening the zeal of the established clergy.

It is in this state of things however, that the purity and spirituality of an established church is brought to a severe but wholesome test: if its doctrines be corrupt or its practice impure, it must presently sink under the accumulated load of neglect within, and of opposition from without. It is certainly not too much to assert that no Roman Catholic Church, nor any heathen system of religion, could endure this rude trial. But if the doctrines of the establishment in question be scriptural, and its practice pure and liberal; if in short, upon a candid comparison of its doctrines with the Bible, and of its precepts and practice with their moral effects upon the heart and life, it has a clear advantage over the opposing sects in the estimation of an enlightened people; a well-grounded hope may be indulged. For truth, especially religious truth, will ultimately triumph; and the means in the case before us are as obvious as, under Providence, they are certain of success. Legislative enactments for the supply of existing deficiencies in schools, churches, and ministers; the appointment of zealous, able, and spiritual

superintendants; a reference by them on all occasions to the original doctrines on which the church in question may have been founded, or seated in the hearts of the people; and the encouragement of evangelical learning and practice among the inferior clergy, will restore the stray sheep to the fold, and with them will also return the moral, decent, and regular habits, by which the natural tendency of population to keep within the bounds of subsistence is sustained in vigour.

In the department of charity connected with moral and religious instruction, the general establishment of schools in proportion to the increase of population seems to require a few more remarks, especially with a view to their moral uses. As society advances, as commerce and manufactures increase, and a country makes rapid progress in the accumulation of public and private wealth through the knowledge, ingenuity, skill, and dexterity of its people, it is undeniable that they are thereby exposed to greater temptations to immoral conduct. The propensities of man being adverse to his moral welfare, it follows that, in proportion as his other faculties thrive while his moral sense continues torpid, he will become the more mischievous instrument in society, and the more exposed to Divine anger. Now in the first place it is evident that no state has a right to build up any portion of its prosperity at the expense of the eternal welfare of its agents, and what is still more conclusive it has not the power to do so. It may make the attempt, but in a short time it will miserably fail; for adversity, not prosperity, will be the result. With a view either to conscience or policy, therefore, it cannot neglect to make re

ligious and moral instruction co-existent with every step in the progress of other knowledge. To impart such instruction may be strictly and correctly defined to be the sole end and object of the education of the people, as far as the state is concerned with it. Individual interest and exertion will apportion the supply of all other knowledge to the demand, much more correctly and beneficially than can be effected by any public institutions; and it is certain that, when the supply exceeds the demand, the peace and good order of society are in danger.

It is the perception of this last-mentioned truth which for so long a time left doubts upon the minds of well-meaning persons in England as to the propriety of a general system of education. The truth

is, that the object for some time, was not well defined; there was much said at the outset of the new opinions upon this subject which are happily now become so prevalent, about exalting the condition of the lower orders, enlightening their understandings, enlarging their minds, infusing into them a greater spirit of independence, and various other objects peculiarly liable to be misunderstood by minds rendered jealous by the abuse of similar language during the progress of the French revolution. It was observed that, as every step in the scale of society was fully occupied, the temporal condition of the lower orders could not in one sense be raised but at the expense of the higher; and that the spirit of independence in its most obvious sense was already sufficiently prevalent. It would certainly have been a much shorter and more effectual method at once to have stated moral and religious instruction as the object; and all sober and enlightened men would then have per

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ceived that the consequences could not have been otherwise than good, both to the state and the individual, the condition of both having materially increased the number of their temptations without a corresponding augmentation in the means of resisting them. This perception would have been aided by a reflection which I ventured to make seven years ago, (and subsequent events have been far from contradicting the hypothesis, or weakening the force of the argument,) that the first ingredient and elementary principle of all temporal prosperity, the confidence and respect of mankind, is always absent from the unjust man and the unjust nation. Each may prosper for a time; but on the first change of circumstances every one will desert them, and their fall will be more rapid than their exaltation. Whereas we have the highest authority for asserting, that an apparent dereliction of temporal advantage for the sake of virtue will be often repaid with interest in this world. Though dangers press around us, yet if we turn our eyes to the continent of Europe, and back upon ourselves, we must be ungratefully blind not to acknowledge the situation of our own country to be a signal instance of the truth of that assurance; and no less mad not to preserve the same claim to the same distinction by diffusing as widely as possible the only knowledge which entitles us to it; and by imparting none which may interfere with this most important branch of improvement."

It must be observed, however, that the fulfilment of this duty, and the general diffusion of moral instruction among the people, does certainly in one respect "exalt their minds;" it clears and regulates their moral sense, and affords them an undeviating

rule by which they may judge concerning the general interests of morality, as well as their own individual duties; and also concerning the equity and propriety of the laws under which they live. It is very true, therefore, that in countries where the laws are of an immoral and tyrannical nature, or where the higher ranks are sunk in indolent and selfish habits, or immersed in vicious gratifications, public opinion, enlightened by moral instruction, will interpose a very inconvenient impediment to perseverance in such a system. It is not perhaps too much to say that a moral and intelligent people cannot continue to be governed upon such principles, or permanently kept in subordination under such a degenerate race of superiors. Nay further; although the general system of government may be fair and good, yet the general spread of moral instruction will render the people very quicksighted into the particular instances of inconvenience and oppression, which may still remain to be remedied. They will by degrees be anathematized in the public opinion, which in a free country is no uncertain symptom of their speedy reformation. In England the general abhorrence in which the slave trade is held arises perhaps more from the generous feelings than from the strictly moral sense of the people; but it is so strongly fixed in the public opinion that no efforts could ever restore that abominable traffic. Upon the same principle it is easy to foresee that, if the people generally imbibe correct notions on morality, it will be absolutely impossible long to retain any laws or customs, whose moral tendency can be clearly shown to be perninicious, however precious they may be in the eyes of those who fancy that they have an interest in the

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