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Declaration of the Protestants of Newry, lately convened by requisition--the Seneschal in the Chair.

We the Protestant inhabitants of Newry, actuated by a warm wish for the tranquillity and happiness of our countity, feel ourselves impelled, at this awful and momentous crisis of human affairs, to declare, in the most open and unreserved manner, our sentiments, opinions, and wishes on a question on which the most important interests of Ireland, and of the empire, are deeply involved, viz. the claims of our countrymen, who profess the Roman Catholic faith, to an equal admissibility to the offices and dignities of the state with their Protestant fellow subjects. We aver that towards our fellow citizens of that persuasion we are actuated by sentiments of sincere good will and unequivocal kindness: that we do not consider diversity of religious belief as any ground of civil incapacity or political disqualification; and that we shall rejoice to see them restored to every privilege and capability which the other subject of this great and free empire enjoy. We ment exceedingly the obsta cles which have hitherto impeded the accomplishment of that desirable object, and indulge the hope of seeing them removed. We are decisively of opinion, that the chief difficulty is founded' on the appointment of the Roman Catholic Hierarchy of this country, who derive their 'ignity and rank in the church from the favour of a foreign potentate, now unhappily subjected to the dictation and tyranny of our implacable enemy. We trust we shall be excused for stating that such a patro nage was unknown for nearly eight hundred years subsequent to the establishment of Christianityin this kingdom, and that it is not v unknown in Catholic countries. -It is to u matter of the most sincere gratification to reflect that this view of the subject has lately been urged and insisted on by many of the wisest, the ablest and most zealous members of the Catholic body. We therefore I ook with respect and with confidence to the wisdom, the good sense, and

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the patriotism of the respectable nobleman and gentleman who preside over the Catholic councils to this country, and from the source we presurae to hope for such an arrangement as raay tend to obviate this anomaly. Under such an arrangement we entertain the most confident hope and belief that the paternal goodness of our most gracious sovereign, co-operating with the enlightened wisdom and liberal policy of the imperial parliament, would not hesitate to restore our Catholic countrymen to a perfect parity with ourselves: and we should farther hope that such an arrangement would be rendered rnore complete and satisfactory by such a national provision for the Catholic clergy as would admit of adequate rewards to men of liberal education and respectable attainments; rewards which the present condition of the Catholic church in this country does by no means afford.-From such an adjustment we would anticipate consequences the most beneficial and important, án efficient addition to the energies of the state, an increased facility of military exertion, an extension of mutual benevolence.--We feel that it is expedient to guard ourselves against a possible imputation, namely, that we have taken up this subject with party views, or with an intention to promote the interest of any particular set of politicians or statesmen.

We solemnly declare that we are influenced solely by views of public happiness and public advantage. God forbid that we should be instrumental in provoking discussions, or exciting a spirit, that might have a tendency to embarrass his najesty's councils. To whatever description of persons his majesty, in his wisdom and goodness, may confide the direction of the national strength; and we dewe sincerely wish them success; voutly implore the favour and blessing of Divine Providence on their exertion to protect this empire against the machinations of an incensed and most formidable foe.

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Cox and Baylis, No. 75, Great Queen Street, and published by R. Bagshaw, Brydges Street, where former Numbers may be had; sold also by J. Budd, Crown and Mitre, Pall-Mall,

VOL. XIII. No. 12.]


[PRICE 10г.

"This is the bane, this is the curse of England, as relating to her foreign connections. Blessed with all "sorts of resources necessary to the happiness and greatness of a nation, those resources, instead of re"maining within herself, assume, through the intervention of commerce, a shape that deposits a consi"derable part of her wealth, and, along with it, the affections of no small number of the most opulent, "active and intriguing of her people, in foreign countries; and, therefore it is, that her interests are made 66 to give way to the interests of those countries, the case of nations being, in this respect, precisely the " opposite of that of individuals; for, in the latter case, the debtor is, in a great degree, the slave of the "creditor, whereas, in the former, the creditor is the slave of the debtor; and that, too, observe, exact"ly in proportion to the amount of the debt and the badness of character of the debtor."- REGISTER, Vol. XII. page 971.,



SUMMARY OF POLITICS. ORDERS IN COUNCIL.As a last shift, in opposition to the Orders in Council, a petition has been presented to parliament by the "persons interested in the trade to the ** United States of America." This petition was the consequence of a meeting of such persons, called by public advertisement, which meeting was held at the London Taveru, on the 10th instant, the same day on which the petition was presented to parliament; and, just as it ought to be, Mr. Alexander BARING was in the chair. When the vote came to be put, it was found, that there was a decided majority against the petition. This fact being stated in the House of Commons, it was asserted, on the other side, that the cause of such majority was this; that many persons not interested in the trade with the American States were present, and voted against the petition. These persons alledged, that they were interested; that they were West India merchants or planters, and, as such, could not but be deeply interested in whatever might affect our relations with the American States. This is undeniable, I think; or else what we have been so frequently told by the Americans and their advocates is false, namely, that it is from the American States only that our West India Islands can possibly receive a sufficiency of food and lumber. Surely men who have plantations in the West Indies, or having great trade with them, must, of all the persons in this country, be the most interested in whatever relates to war or peace with America. A Mr. Sharpe (one of the papers call him Shanks) having been amongst the persons present, who voted for the petition, was asked, in the House of Commons, on what he grounded his right to be a petitioner. His answer was, that he was concerned in one of the largest manufactories at Manchester, and, of course, was deeply interested in the trade


with America, which was one of the greatest out-lets for his manufactures. Upon the same ground every one of his poor squallid weavers and spinuers might have voted at the meeting; aye, every wretched soul, from whose labour he derives his income. Why might not Messrs. Cadell and Davies, Mr. Sheriff Phillips, and the rest of the booksellers, have voted, at the meeting, upon the same ground? Their books go to America; and, of course, the stoppage of that channel must diminish the sale of books. Nay, why should not I vote too, if I had chosen it? Many of my Registers and other publications, went to America; this out-let being cut off, I and my printers and booksellers and bookbinders and paper makers, and then again their rag and leather and ink sellers, and all the shoe-makers and taylors and barbers of us all, and all the butchers and bakers and millers and farmers employed in raising and preparing food for us, in short, all the whole nation is interested with me in the American trade, in the same way, though in a less degree than Mr. Sharpe, the Manchester manufacturer, is interested in that trade. The designation was a foolish one. It gave to every man in the country a right to attend the meeting and to vote upon the question; for, is it not absurd, that Mr Bafing, who is concerned in exporting goods to America, should put forward his claim to petition parliament upon measures relating to that country, and deny a similar claim, on the part of a journeyman, who earns his bread in the making of such goods?—It was stated in the House of Commons, and not contradicted, that many of those, who voted for the petition, were American citi zens. They were perfectly right. No one can reasonably blame them for endeavouring to prevent the passing of a law, which will be injurious to their country, as long as their government shall persevere in its partiality for France. What I blame them for is

for assembling under the name of English | America could no longer carry on any trade


with us, without setting France at defiance, rather than do which her rulers chose that she should have no trade at all. Always bear these facts in mind, when you are discussing the consequences of the Orders in Council; but, these Orders, though they did not, because they could not, produce the two hostile acts, may possibly, and some persons say they will, cause a war with America. If they do, they will cause great injury to those who have debts in that country, whether due from individuals or from the government. They will cause a total disturbance of the affairs of those, whose property is more in that country than in this; they will throw quite off their pivot all those, who, under the name of American citizens, have been car

Blame them, indeed, I cannot say that I do much. It was one of those tricks so common in their native land, that they may well be excused. Change of climate cannot, all at once, change their natures. Mr. Baring is, I believe, a citizen in virtue of his marriage; and, I would wish to obtain from him, as chairman of the meeting, a direct answer to these questions: are you owner, or part owner, of several American ships? To protect such ships from the hands of our enemy, must their papers express that the owners of both ship and cargo are American citizens? Do you belong to that partnership or family of Baring, who advanced to the American government the eleven millions of dollars to pay Napoleon for Louisia na, and who, of course, would lose cothrying on a free trade with the enemy, and interest and principal, if that government become unable to pay? Now, Sir, if you cannot with truth answer these questions in the negative, I do not blame you for je itioning against what will be injurious to America; bnt, I greatly blame you for pretending to be actuated by a desire to do good to the people of England. From your wife's relations, who are merchants and bankers and fundholders in America, you will, doubtless, receive all the praise which you merit at their hands; from your fellow-citizens at large you will also receive applause, and, I dare say, you thought of this while in the chair at the London Tavern, the whole of your conduct being calculated for transatlantic effect. But, froin me and my countrymen you have no praise to expect. We have married no Americans; we own no American ships; we have made no ad vances to the American government; and, therefore, you must not expect us to enter into any of your sympathies.

-Similar to the connections and interests of Mr. Baring, are the connections and interests of thousands of persons in England; and, I have not the least doubt of the fact, that, of the petitioners, nine-tenths, if they were to make a correct account of their feelings and interests, would find the balance decidedly in favour of America. The Orders in Council, though, observe, were not the cause either of the non-importation act or the embargo: always bear this in mind. Always bear in mind, that these hostile acts were adopted previous to its being possible, that the Orders in Council could be known in America. Always bear in mind, that the former act was passed, with a view of compelling us to give up our maritime right of searching for seamen; and that the latter act was passed, because

who have, when they could escape our cruizers, been conveying into his ports the materials for making vessels wherewith for him to invade and conquer us; these Orders in Council will, in the case contemplated, cut off the payment of the interest of money lent to the American government for the purpose of purchasing from Buonaparté a country which he had forced Spain to give to him. All this may be the effect of the Orders in Council; but, are the persons, who will thus be affected; are these the men, whose property ought to be watched over with peculiar care by the members of the English House of Commons? Are these the men, to the guarding of whose immediate interests the honour, the just vengeance, of England ought to give way?The petition, is an application from men, who, though, for the greater part, they may, perhaps, be of English birth, ought not to be considered as Englishmen. It is, in reality, a petition from Americans by adoption and by interest; and it ought to be treated as a thing coming from the City of Washington, and not from the city of London; as a petition from "King Cong." conveyed through the mouths of his subjects. If " King Cong himself chooses to petition, which he will do, before it be long, why, then, let us hear him; but, I have no notion of sparing the feelings of his haughty majesty, who never spared our feelings, and, if he will persist in making his people suffer rather than abandon his unjust partiality for France, suffer they should if I were minister of England, and of short duration should be the reign of King Cong."The petitioners state, as one of the evils of the Or ders in Council, that the said Orders, if adhered to, will ruin the Americans. The words are these: "That the people of


"America, even if they should remain at "peace with us, must, by the want of a "demand for their produce, and by the ge"neral distress our measures must occasion, "be disabled from paying their debts to "this country, which may fairly be esti"mated to amount to the enormous sum of "twelve millions sterling."--The reader will do me the justice to remember, that I never went beyond this estimate. Indeed, this was the exact sum at which I stated the running debt; and I asked, what America was to do, if deprived of the use of such a cre dit. But, I was, in another instance, speaking of the evils of commerce; and I then spoke of this debt in the words which I have taken for my motto.This argument of the petition is an excellent argument for the petitioners; that is to say, for persons, whose treasures are in America, and whose six per centum wil vanish into air, upon a declaration of war'; bot, if it be a good argument as to this nation, in the present case, it must be good in all cases; and, then it becomes a settled point, that we must, by some means or other, so act as not to have war with America. No matter what she may require us to do, or to forbear to do, Do it or forbear to do it we must; or.... we lose twelve millions sterling. "But,

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gentiemen, do consider, you have had our goods and borrowed our money; " and, though we quarrel about other matters, you should pay us honestly." No: and the more we reason the more insolent they become. Like BRASS, in the Confederacy, as they perceive our hesitation return, they repeat their threats. "well, I'll call a coach," says the swindler, BRASS; and, say the Americans," twelve millions sterling, that's "all." They make demands upon us; they arrogantly and insolently demand of England, without whose permission they dare not venture upon the seas; they demand of her that she shall yield to them, what she never yielded to any power in the world, the right of searching neutral vessels for her own seamen, which seamen, by means the most fraudulent and base, they have long been in the practice of inveigling away and detaining; this demand is rejected, and upon the ground of that rejection, they pass an act to prohibit the importation of certain English goods, for the express purpose of compelling England to submit to their demand; France issues a commercial decree, intended to deter America from having any communication with England; England retaliates; thereupon the Americans, who had before threatened to set in good earnest about the

work of conquering the liberty of the seas blockade themselves by an act of embargo. And now, behold, we are told, that, unless we retract our act of retaliation against France, the Americans, owing to their distresses (though, observe, the acts of nonimportation and embargo preceded our Orders in Council), will not be able to pay the debts, which they owe to those Englishmen, who, for the sake of higher interest, and, as they thought, better security, preferred America to England as a place wherein to deposit their wealth. These men have now the impudence to tell us, that it is we who have occasioned the distresses of America, and to complain, in her name, of our injustice and cruelty, while the language they put into her mouth is, in substance, yield to my demands, submit to my open partiality for your enemy, and to all the "insults I offer you, or I shall become, "from my measures of self-punishment in "order to punish yon, too poor to pay the "debts which I have solemnly engaged to

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pay you, whether we are at war or at

peace." What should you, reader, think ofa tradesman, who, being in your debt, were to say to you, make me a surrender of your right to prevent me from inveigling away and corrupting and detaining your servants; who, upon being refused so insolent a demand, should lay by his tools, shut up his shop, and swear that he would, in order to injure you, do no more business, until his demand were assented to; and who, upon being asked for the amount of the debt due to you, were to plead his poverty, arising from the cessation of his trade? What would you think of such a man? America discovers, in this case, the insolence and baseness of the virago, who, in order to screen her carcase from the blows brought upon it by abuse too great for mortal endurance, thrusts forward her helpless bastard, with a "kill my innocent baby, you cruel villain, "do!" No; we do not wish to kill your baby creditors, whether peers, baronets, or simple commoners; but, we are resolved, or, I hope so, at least, that what you have been unable to bully us out of, we shall not yield to their jew-like supplications. Is this, ye gods, the lofty-spirited republic of America! Are these the sons of "St. Tammany," who would rather be thought the descendants of a copper-coloured savage than the sons and heirs of Englishmen! Is this the new Amphyctionic Council!" Is this the great and renowned "King Cong!" Sending up under-hand petitions to the parliament of England, and resting, for a hope of impunity, upon the circumstance


that others, though innocent, would share in the punishment inflicted; procuring, as it were, a pregnancy before-hand, in order to escape, or at least to defer, the day of execution; and, therein, acknowledging to the world, that all their charges, agaiast our justice and humanity, they themselves knew to be false Well is it for us that the blood of the parent cannot be debased by that of the children.There is a remedy for the "distresses” of the people of America, which, as the petitioners do not seem to have thought of it, I will take the liberty to point out. More than three-fourths of the trade of America, that trade, the loss of which so distresses her, is with England and ber dominions. What is it that has put a stop to this trade? The non-importation act and the act of embargo. Well, then, why does she not repeal those acts? This is asthing to be accomplished in the space of three days. What an easy remedy and how Datural Ave, but there are our Orders in Council. Yes, but these Orders do not prevent a trade with England and her dominions. They prevent a trade with 'France, and America cannot trade with England, unless England allows her to trade with France. Very true. Nothing can be more fair and reasonable; and all, then, that America has to do, is to ask France whether she will repeal her blocka ding decree. If she does, all is open again; if not, all that America has left for it, is, to endeavour to compel France to repeal that decree; or, if she choose not to adopt that course, to continue to trade with England aid her dominions.This is so clear and so just, that every man of common sense must perceive the reasonableness of it, and every disinterested man must approve of it. But, the petitioners know, as well as I do, that the American government are disposed To sacrifice the interests of that country, that they are disposed to make the people suffer to the utmost extent of their endurance, rather than abandon their partiality for France, which partiality this same Mr. Jefferson and his abettors formerly professed to ground upon a similarity in principles of government, but which they adhere to with even encreased fervenc, now that the government of France is become a military despotism, and now that her chiefs have declared, that republican government is the ho-bed of rascality (le "foyer des scétérats”), as may be seen by a veference to the report of Talleyrand preparatory to the last change of government, in France. Mr. Alexander Baring (always ready to defend and justify the conduct of America) has, indeed, in his pamphlet;

given another reason for this partiality. When France and England are at war, America, he says, having great maritime interests, and being, of course, desirous to prevent any power from obtaining a complete predon:inance at sea. will naturally throw her weight into the scale of France, as long as France is inferior to England, in point of maritime fore She will? She will natu rally do this, will she? She will lay aside all other considerations, and keep steadily in view the preventing of England from maintaining a maritime predominance? This is her wise natural and obvious line of policy, is it? It may be so, and it may become those who own American ships, who lend money to America, and who are, in fact as well as in form, American citizens, to applaud this policy in her government; but, I am sure it becomes not us Englishmen to listen to their advice; I am sure it becomes us not to trust them with the guardian-hip of either our money or our honour. Unless England had a decided predominance at sea, France, every man must see, would soon become her con queror. Aye, says Mr. Baring, but what is that to America? I think it is a good deal to her; but, if she thinks otherwise, I am sure it is a very good reason for our not lis tening to the councils of those who have her interests at heart more than they can be sup posed to have the interest of England at heart.

-MR. GRATTAN, in the debate of the 11th instant, after having gone over the old arguments (with a due share of amplifica tion), with respect to the commercial consequences of the Orders in Council, as bearing upon America, is reported to have added something touching the great political con sequences of the same measure. The pas sage, as reported in the Morning Chronicle, is this: "An American war, however, ap

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peared to the right honourable gentleman "to be much more dangerous on other "grounds than any that could arise out of mere commercial considerations. He * called upon the British parliament to con"sider the consequences of separating Great "Britain and America, and thus dividing "and weakening the only force that remain"ed in the world to sustain the character of

liberty to hold out hopes to the Continent. "The right honourable gentleman enforced "this appeal in a strain of peculiarly inter "esting and impressive eloquence and "concluded with exhorting gentlemen to "reflect, that any loss to America or Eng

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land, would but add to the accumulated

gains of France-would but advance the "strength of that power which was equally "the enemy of both."The eloquence of

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