Low's journal an attractive one. It is written in a fresh and piquant manner. How many of our college-bred girls have picked up so good a style? There is also the fascination which habitually inheres in times and manners very different from our own-the voyage of fifteen weeks' duration; the pleasant glimpse of Manila as it was in 1829; the delightful impressions of the South African Dutch in 1834; the visit to St. Helena before Napoleon's dust had been removed to France. The unconscious comment on the personal and social dangers of our new colonial entanglements is not to be escaped. We are frequently made aware of a shady side to that brilliant gayety which at first fascinates the Salem girl so much, and later bores her a good deal. Here were materials for such stories as Mr. Kipling's 'Plain Tales from the Hills,' but hinted at with a reserve in happy contrast to his immense sophistication. But altogether the most interesting aspect of Miss Low's journal is its entirely frank and simple revelation of the young writer's mind and heart. The social life of Macao contrasted sharply with the petty provincialism of Salem, Mass., and her new liberties and opportunities were at first revelled in with innocent delight, though not without frequent protests against card-playing Saturday nights, and similar infringements of the Puritan rule. Evidently she was very attractive to the Macao bachelors, and so little suspicious of them that more than once she was on the point of accepting an unworthy suitor. Disappointed affection did much to dull the edge of her enjoyment and make the prospect of her return to America welcome. The most interesting episode of her life in China was an attempt to break down the barrier set up in Canton against foreign women. She went to Canton with her aunt, but they were obliged to beat an ignominious retreat. The moralizing and occasional rhapsodizing in her journal sound well-known contemporary notes. She was a stout little Unitarian, and read Buckminster's sermons with warm approval, and held her own against some violent assaults in a praiseworthy fashion. It is a piece of singular good fortune that her portrait was painted in Macao by a good artist, Chinnery, and that its reproduction, in an excellent photogravure, enables us to see her, in habit as she was, with the big sleeves at which she railed in 1830, but to which she finally succumbed. Hall, F. W., and Geldart, W. M. Aristophanis Comoediae. Henry Frowde. 3s. 6d. Hayman, Rev. H. The Epistles of the New Testament: An Attempt to Present them in Current and Popular Idiom. London: A. & C. Black; New York: Macmillan. Henson, HI, H. Church Problems. London: John Murray. 12 shillings. Hillard, Katherine, My Mother's Journal. Boston: George H. Ellis. $2. Hoar, George F. Tucker The Lust of Empire. Pub. Co. 25c. Hocking, D. K. vance Pub Co. 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The Bar Association has done its duty in the matter of John R. Hazel's nomination for Judge of the United States District Court, by the adoption of a resolution declaring that it does not deem him a fit candidate for the office, and by the appointment of a committee to convey to the Judiciary Committee of the Senate its opinion that the nomination should not be confirmed. The report of the Standing Committee of the Association on Judicial Nominations, which was presented by Mr. Robert W. de Forest, its Chairman, was signed by every member who was in town or accessible, and it was sustained after a discussion by an overwhelming majority. It was a clear. candid, and forcible presentation of the facts in the case that for the past ten years Hazel has been so much engrossed in politics that "he has been little known, either to the courts or the bar, in connection with the practice of the law"; that "he has never appeared at any the Chairman of the Auxiliary Board. The Captain asked whether the boat was light or heavy. "I said light," wrote Hazel to Conners, "and that is where i put my foot in it," as the Secretary of the Board said that they wanted a heavy boat. "Well," Hazel added, "I really don't know if the frame is light or heavy. I will wire and find out." So he sent a dispatch to Conners which should steer him right in composing his reply: "Wire me if she is light or heavy. Should be heavy. What about framework-light or heavy? Another meeting to-morrow.' The interesting fact was brought out that Hazel had never been Conners's counsel in any other matter, nor has he since been. He was employed solely because of his political pull, and the incident illuminates the character of the would-be judge. This yacht affair gives a little idea of the way that the Government was cheated when the $50,000,000 war fund which was placed at the disposal of the President, two years ago, was being expended. The yacht was sold to the Government on the 29th of June, 1898, for $80,000, it would seem impossible ever to make more than a guess as to whether Neely got $50,000, $100,000, or more by this fraud. The postal inspectors say that "it is astonishing that a system so rotten could have been concealed beyond the first month." The post-office in every country is the department of the Government which comes home most closely to the people, and nothing could have been more unfortunate for American prestige than that it should have been here that our lesson in the science of government should have ended in disgrace. The only way of wiping out the stain is to follow up the criminals with the utmost severity. The Cubans are favorably impressed by the first steps that have been taken, Cubano, a Havana newspaper, pointing to the contrast with the way that Spain let such offenders go scot free, and remarking that "the Americans are proving themselves more honest than the Government which ruled Cuba for four hundred years." Judge Taft's statement at Manila of the hopes and aims of the new Philip time in any Federal court on any ques- and, after receiving over $5,000 worth of pine Commission is not wanting in vague tion, and has never taken part as a lawyer in any matter involving admiralty. patent, revenue, or bankruptcy law”— the chief questions to come before the new court; that "his deserts are political, rather than legal, and his selection a reward of political service"; and that, consequently, he does not meet the standard of judicial requirement which the Association has repeatedly adopted "that the career of a candidate for a judicial office should furnish unmistakable evidence of capacity and fitness to discharge its duties." Such a deliverance from such a source should have carried great weight with the Judiciary Committee but it did not. Only a brief reference was made in the report to the charge that Hazel got $5,000 as his "rake-off" for the sale of a yacht to the Government at about twice its value, two years ago, because the matter was not brought to the Committee's attention until after its report was drafted. The Tribune on Friday printed Hazel's own story of this performance, as told in a suit brought by another man who claimed a commission for bringing about the sale. Hazel was perfectly frank about the whole transaction, as was also Conners, the owner of the yacht. Conners testified that he wanted to sell the boat, and sent for Hazel, to whom he said: "John, I think you've got pull enough to sell that boat. If you can sell that boat for $100,000, I will give you $5,000 out of it." Hazel told how he went to Washington, and saw Capt. Rodgers, repairs, was appraised at $20,000 on the 13th of June, 1899, when it was transferred from the Navy to the War Department. Senator Jones of Arkansas was quite justified on Thursday in making these revelations the basis of a demand for a detailed account of the way the $50,000,000 was paid out. Everybody who ever looked into the matter at all heard plenty of stories of far greater swindles than this. Mr. Jones says that when any one tries to secure figures from the War Department, he is referred to the State Department, and when he goes to the State Department, he is sent to the Navy Department, and he gets no information anywhere. "Let the President send us a detailed account of ex penditures, showing to what use the cash was put," was the demand of the Arkansas Senator, and a very proper one it was. It would have appeared simply incredible if any critic of American rule in Cuba, six weeks ago, had described such a system of administration-or rather lack of system-in the Postal Department as is now confessed to have existed. The examination on Monday of Rathbone, the former Director of Posts, disclosed the astonishing fact that, until the frauds were recently discovered, there was absolutely no check upon the Bureau of Finance. The acting Director estimates the extent of the stealings at between $80,000 and $100,000, outside of the old stamps which were sold when they ought to have been destroyed, and benevolence. If that kind of salt on the tail sufficed to catch the shy Filipino bird, he would have been caged long ago. No people known to history has rivalled the Filipinos in being shot down by conquerors whose hearts have been filled with compassion, and whose eyes streamed with tenderness for the poor creatures they were killing. But the intelligent natives, to whom Judge Taft means especially to appeal, have been very cynical about fine words going with insults and blows, and there is no reason to think that they will now leave off their skeptical inquiries. Judge Taft The says he has "extensive powers." Filipinos will want to know where he got them, and under what legal or Constitutional warrant. They will read to him Senator Beveridge's speech, which they are circulating in Spanish under the title, "The Death-knell of the Filipino People," and ask him if his extensive powers are intended to carry out the mercenary and truculent policy of the Indiana Senator. Judge Taft says he is surprised at not hearing that the Spooner bill has passed. Some malicious native should ask him if he is not more surprised to learn that the bill has been ignominiously withdrawn; that Congress is going to do absolutely nothing about the Filipinos, and that the whole situation is more clouded with uncertainty than ever before. Senator Spooner's resolutions at best were only a tentative and stopgap affair, not pretending to go to the root of the the maintenance of the gold standard is matter. They only gave Congressional oratorical victories over their wretched opponents. They showed in triumph that they were proposing to give McKin ley exactly the same powers that Jefferson had in Louisiana. This, of course, put the Democrats in an awful hole. Lodge's glee over their predicament was something beautiful. But along came Mr. Cannon to put Senator Lodge in a hole. Jefferson or no Jefferson, those resolutions were too autocratic, Mr. Cannon said, for Western Republicans in doubtful districts to stomach, and they must not be passed. As soon as Lodge heard of "doubtful districts," he meekly got up and withdrew the resolutions. Thus we see that a Doubtful District is too much for either Duty or Destiny. Republicans will be fully justified in "pointing with pride" to the result of the Oregon election on Monday. The victory for the party was a sweeping one-a large majority for the State ticket, the election of both Representatives in Congress, also by good majorities, and the choice of a Legislature which will elect a Republican to the United States Senate. The contrast with the corresponding election four years ago is very sharp. In 1896 one Republican candidate for Congress had only 378 plurality, and the other but 63, while if the Democrats and Populists had combined their votes, they would have secured not only both seats in the House of Representatives, but also the judgeship which was at stake on the State vote, by over 4,000. This year fusion was effected, and the result is the overwhelming defeat of the allied forces. Oregon is a State which was once sadly infected with financial delusions. The Republican party so far surrendered to the silver craze that four years ago a majority of its State Convention voted against putting a declaration opposing free coinage in the platform, and adopted instead a "straddle," while one of the Republican candidates for Congress openly advocated free coinage. This year the platform, after commending the Republican Congress for its passage of the gold-standard law, declared that, "so long as either of our great political parties advocates the free coinage of silver, One of the worst acts of the Quay Administration in Pennsylvania was the veto by Gov. Stone of the Constitutional amendments providing for reform in the electoral system. The abuses which have long prevailed in Pennsylvania are subversive of popular government. The number of fraudulent votes cast in Phila 000 and over, and similar outrages on ment of Constitutions. The Legislature and the people alone have this, responsibility. The right to approve or disapprove a law belongs to the Governor, and not to the people. The right to approve or disapprove a Constitutional amendment belongs to the people and not to the Governor. Tammany is being exposed in an ideal way by the developments in regard to the Ice Trust. Everybody knew that the organization was in politics for what it could make out of it. Its leader unblushingly confessed on the witnessstand in the investigation last year that he used his position to put as much money as possible in his own pocket. But it still remained, to show that a Tammany Mayor was capable of using his office to extort money from the public Legislature was induced to adopt amendments providing for the use of voting for his own benefit. There is a reckmachines, and for the personal registra-lessness as well as a shamelessness about tion of voters in large cities. Gov. Stone took the position that he was authorized to prevent the submission of the amendments to the people, and the Secretary of State refused to advertise them as required by law. The Municipal League of Philadelphia then obtained a mandamus compelling the Secretary of State to comply with the law, and the Supreme Court has now sustained the mandamus. The opinion of the Supreme Court is State shall advertise whatever amend- "He has no discretion in the premises. His As to the functions of the Governor, the such a performance which is calculated Taking it for granted that the Mayor is a stockholder in the Ice Trust, there seems no doubt that he can be removed from office, as he ought to be. The section of the City Charter (1533) which applies in such a case is clear and explicit. It provides that any officer of the city who shall "become, directly or indirectly, interested in or in the performance of any contract, work or business, or the sale of any article," which is paid for from the city treasury, or "who shall, during the time for which he is elected or appointed, knowingly acquire an interest in any contract or work with the city," shall, upon conviction of the offence, forfeit his office and be punished for a misdemeanor. The only possible chance for a quibble would appear to be over the word "knowingly," and it would be pretty hard to maintain that Van Wyck was stupid enough not to know that a company which controlled the ice supply of the city would make sales to the municipality. The Governor has the power of removing the Mayor, and may suspend him for thirty days, pending a trial of the charges against him. It is fortunate that no question of partisan control of the city government is involved, as one Tammany man would be succeeded by another if Van Wyck should be ousted; the order of succession in case of vacancy being first the President of the Council, and then its Vice-Chairman, the new incumbent serving out the remainder of the four years' term. The St. Louis street-car strike is now in its fifth week, and the end is not in sight. The city has been practically in the hands of a mob ever since it began. Many persons have been killed, many more have received gun-shot wounds, and upwards of one hundred have suffered other bodily injuries. A strike of much longer duration and embracing a much larger number of men, and accompanied by a lockout and a boycott, holds the city of Chicago in its grasp. The lattér is not marked by rioting and bloodshed now, but only because the officers of the law do not enforce it. Lawlessness reigns in Chicago in a peaceful way because the Chief Executive has surrendered his powers to a self-constituted and secret organization called the Building Trades Council. To all outward appearance the business of the city goes on as usual. Crowds of people throng the streets and women go shopping as before. The casual visitor does not observe much if any difference between the conditions of to-day and those of one year ago unless he happens to glance at the gigantic framework of the new Government building, and notices its lifeless condition. It is a skeleton, but not a skeleton in a closet. Its bare ribs proclaim to all observers that no work is going on in the building trade in that city. If inquiry is made for the reason, it is learned that the Building Trades Council has decreed that the bosses shall employ only the members of labor unions controlled by said Building Trades Council; that if any boss employs or seeks to employ other labor, the new men will be assaulted, beaten, or killed, and the work they may have done will be demolished. The St. Louis street-car strike is based upon the same demands. The strikers require, as the conditions of resuming work, that all conductors, motormen, gripmen, and all men employed in the sheds shall be compelled to be members of the union; that any member suspended by the union shall be suspended by the company without pay until such time as the union requests his reinstatement; that any man elected to an office in the union requiring his absence for not more than a year shall, upon his retirement from such office, have his old place with the company. Obviously these requirements look to a monopoly of employment on the part of those who control the labor organizations; for, if all the non-union men were compelled to join the unions to-day, they might be "suspended" to-morrow, in which event they must be suspended from employment, the term of suspension being indefinite. This is something more than a Labor Trust. It is tyranny. The commercial Trust does not deprive the small producer of the right to earn a living, except by offering its own goods at low prices. If the small producer puts his prices down to the same level, the Trust has nothing further to say. It is very satisfactory to see that public attention is being directed to the subject of the transfer or inheritance tax. The appointment of a number of Republican politicians as appraisers in this city, thus depriving the Surrogates of a large amount of patronage, aroused much indignation. Then followed the disclosure of the amount of the fees paid to special counsel appointed by the State Comptroller, from which it appeared that a prominent free-silver Democrat had received nearly $50,000 in two years. Now we are furnished with the figures showing how much of the proceeds of this tax is spent in collecting it-figures which may be fairly called startling. The New York Herald points out that the cost of collecting the internal revenue of the United States is 1.59 per cent., that of collecting the customs 3.57 per cent., that of collecting the excise in New York State 2.66 per cent., that of collecting the corporation tax 1.00 per cent.; while it costs 12 per cent. to collect the transfer tax. In New York County, where more than half the tax is collected, the cost of collection is 10 per cent., and in Kings County it rises to 18 per cent. In New York County the amount collected last year was $1,269,000. Out of this, over $7,000 went to the District Attorney's office, nearly $10,000 to the Surrogate's office, about $16,000 to the Comptroller, almost $31,000 to the appraisers, and over $65,000 to attorneys. It is evident that the system of collection is adapted to maintain an unnecessarily large number of office-holders at the expense of the estates of dead people that is, at the expense of the living people who would naturally succeed to those estates. It was by a compromise, after all, that the Australian Federation Bill passed its second reading in the House of Commons in the form in which it will no doubt become law. Both Mr. Chamberlain and the Australian delegates receded a little from their first positions. The Colonial Secretary finally agreed to allow the High Court of Australia to pass upon all Constitutional questions without appeal to the Privy Council. In so far the new Commonwealth is to have judicial supremacy. But in all other cases appeal will lie as heretofore. Furthermore, the delegates consented to accept an amendment whereby any act passing the Australian Parliament for the further limiting of appeals, should be reserved for the approval of the Imperial Government-that is, should be vetoed if found inconsistent with Imperial interests. After these concessions, all opposition to the bill vanished, and it passed the House with general acclaim. The only discordant note came from the harp that once through Tara's halls, strummed by Tim Healy. He made a very witty speech, showing up Mr. Chamberlain's inconsistency in having declared, in the case of the proposed Irish Parliament, that such powers as he was now giving without a qualm to the Australian Parliament would be simply fatal to the supremacy of the British Parliament. To Mr. Gladstone's bill for an Irish Parliament, Mr. Chamberlain had moved a whole bookful of amendments, on which he had made 274 speeches. What Healy wanted to know, in view of the Colonial Secretary's conceding all those things to the Australians, was if "an Irishman could not be trusted with selfgovernment until he had been first transported." He got no answer except loud laughter at Mr. Chamberlain's expense, but that was probably the only answer he expected. Real importance must be assigned to the statements which the Austrian Emperor and his Minister for Foreign Affairs, Count Goluchowski, made to the "Delegations"—that is, the joint committee of Austria and Hungary having special control of foreign relations. Francis Joseph declared that he had “an uninterrupted understanding with the Czar as to all questions affecting the Near East." This is most reassuring, in view of the renewed rumors of trouble in the Balkan Peninsula. Whatever happens in Bulgaria, where a sort of peasant war appears to be threatened, or in Macedonia, where the long-heralded uprising against the Turk is now said surely to be coming off, a complete and friendly agreement between Austria and Russia is certain to confine the flames, if they do burst out. Count Goluchowski said of this international understanding that it formed a "valuable complement to the close alliance of the Monarchy with Germany and Italy." Austria is more careful of Italian susceptibilities than is Germany. At the recent meeting of the Emperors in Berlin, the chief of staff of the German army toasted the Austrian army, which, he said, in unison with the German, was the supreme guarantee of European peace. Not a word about the third member of the Dreibund! The oversight was repaired by the Austrian Field-Marshal, Beck, who, in his reply, had gracious things to say of Humbert's troops. But the inadvertence, or brutality, of the German in ignoring Italy shows how small a figure she now cuts in that alliance which was a little while ago her boast, as it has also been very nearly her financial ruin. |